Keynote address by Gitanas Nausėda, President of the Republic of Lithuania, at the 11th International Vilnius Foreign and Security Policy Conference
President of the Republic of Lithuania
November 21, 2025
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is a pleasure to welcome you to this conference. Every year, it offers an exceptional opportunity to reflect on the significant developments shaping our foreign and security policy.
The time has come when the many challenges we are facing take a truly global character. War, coercion, and disinformation are reshaping the world as we know it.
What we defend in Europe, and specifically in Ukraine, is not just territory. It is the very essence of our freedom — the freedom to think, to act, to decide, and to shape our policies independently, free from interference by hostile actors.
This freedom, I strongly believe, speaks powerfully across different continents, cultures, and countries. It forms the bedrock of resilience for the democratic societies here in Europe, in the Indo-Pacific, and elsewhere.
That is why the rise of authoritarian regimes, and their growing collaboration deserves our special attention. Armed with a complex spectrum of hybrid threats, authoritarianism seeks to destabilize, divide, and undermine democratic values not only in the Euro-Atlantic community, but also globally.
The destabilizing role played by Russia and its proxies and accomplices is especially troubling. The Kremlin regime viciously attacks Ukraine, allocating 40 percent of its national budget to the war economy. Together with China, Iran, North Korea, and Belarus, it is also trying hard to reshape the global order.
This makes investment in hard security and resilience a strategic priority everywhere, but especially in Europe. The time has come to build effective deterrence, strengthen the European Union, reinforce the transatlantic link, and support Ukraine as much as possible.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
This year, we took historic decisions to make NATO stronger, fairer, and more lethal. The Hague NATO Summit confirmed what frontline nations have long known: credible deterrence requires credible investment. The 5 percent pledge, with at least 3.5 percent going to hard defence and 1.5 percent - to resilience, is a bold step forward!
Lithuania is moving faster than most. Next year, we will dedicate 5.38[1] percent of our GDP to hard defence alone. For us, deterrence starts with readiness, not rhetoric.
And we find it crucially important that the NATO Summit in Ankara next year does not blur the line between resilience and defence. We must clearly define the 5 percent, leaving no room for "creative accounting" that could undermine trust in NATO's commitment.
Every euro spent should directly enhance tangible capabilities — from ammunition and air defence to cyber defence and civil preparedness.
Today, there are at least five "musts", five crucial focus areas related to Lithuania's, and also Europe's, security and defence that we need to address without delay.
First, we must continue to enhance our deterrence and defence against all threats and challenges, in all domains, and in multiple strategic directions.
In our neighbourhood, authoritarian regimes are constantly inventing new grey-zone tactics. From the incursions of Russian drones and Belarusian balloons into our airspace, to the disruption of undersea infrastructure in the Baltic Sea by the shadow fleet, and, most recently, the destruction of the Polish railway track - these are not random acts of harassment, but coordinated and escalating efforts.
The threat we are facing today is not distant; it affects every freedom-loving European nation. And our response must be swift and decisive.
Initiatives such as Baltic Sentry and Eastern Sentry have already enhanced our regional vigilance, and new national laws empower the military to respond immediately to airspace incursions and hybrid threats.
There is also much more for us to accomplish - and we will!
We need to increase our defence production capacities. We must build on the progress already achieved, from high-end air defence, modern precision-guided weapons, and ammunition to low-cost and low-altitude drone detection and interception capabilities.
Therefore, I welcome the fact that, two weeks ago, the German company Rheinmetall took significant steps forward in its cooperation with Lithuania.
Work on a new plant for the production of 155mm artillery ammunition has already started in the Lithuanian municipality of Baisogala. A memorandum of understanding for the propellant [pro-pé-lant] production facility was also signed.
For Lithuania, a new artillery ammunition production facility is not merely an industrial project. It is a strategic step aimed at strengthening our deterrence and defence. The Baisogala project will help us to meet our own needs, as well as those of our allies. And it will also foster closer cooperation between Lithuania and Germany - two exemplary strategic partners.
Merely six months ago, we witnessed the inauguration of Germany's 45th Armoured Brigade "Lithuania" in Vilnius. By the end of 2027, approximately 5,000 German troops will be permanently stationed in Lithuania. This underscores the powerful message conveyed by German Chancellor Friedrich Merz during his historic visit to Vilnius that "Lithuania's security is also Germany's security".
Today, I truly feel that we have this unique opportunity to raise our bilateral relations with Germany to an even higher level.
The second focus area today is Ukraine. We must support Ukraine, who is buying us time at an unbearable cost, resolutely and without hesitation.
At The Hague Summit, we reaffirmed NATO's unwavering support for Ukraine with the goal of enabling it to defend itself against Russia, secure a strong position in any future peace negotiations, and deter further Russian aggression.
Since then, NATO has launched the PURL initiative - the Prioritised Ukraine Requirements List - a vital initiative supplying essential lethal and non-lethal military equipment, exclusively provided by the United States and funded by the Allies.
I must note that Lithuania's total military support to Ukraine is estimated to hit 1 billion euros this year. We have already committed 30 million euros to PURL and the same amount to the Patriot air defence initiative, and we will not stop here.
Third, we must focus on strengthening transatlantic cohesion and creatively exploring its potential.
The United States remains the cornerstone of European defence and a guarantor of stability, with unmatched military capabilities and strategic reach.
Europe must rise to the challenge and act as a fully capable partner. The transatlantic link cannot be viewed as a luxury. It is a vital necessity for both sides, crucial to our collective security and future stability.
Transatlantic unity is also necessary for ensuring sustainable peace in Ukraine, where the security backing of the United States will be indispensable. Our resolve, determination, and unity must help to fully implement the principle of peace through strength.
The U.S. sanctions imposed on major Russian oil companies Lukoil and Rosneft are a true game changer. And the adoption of the European Union's 19th sanctions package once again showcases our transatlantic coordination and unity.
Nonetheless, one of our shortcomings is the long-overdue commitment to use immobilized Russian assets for the defence of Ukraine. My great hope is that this task will be fulfilled at the upcoming EU summit in December.
Fourth, we must adapt swiftly to the new era of warfare and technology. Time is of the essence. Drones, Artificial Intelligence, and autonomous systems have already transformed the battlefield.
We must stay at the forefront of innovation. The development of emerging and disruptive dual-use technologies must be fast-tracked for us to stay ahead in the race. And it is also necessary to back it up with sufficient investment.
We must invest as much in learning and adaptation as we do in weapons systems.
And why is this important? Because even as we speak, Russia is seriously reviewing combat experience and integrating the lessons learned into training programs.
Russia has learned from its failures and adapted its strategy and approach to war in Ukraine and beyond. It is adapting even faster than we expected.
And now it falls upon us, too, to understand this war better, and to develop countermeasures to the newest capabilities and tactics of our adversaries. We must be the side that learns and develops the fastest and, ultimately, wins.
And this brings me to the fifth point. We must take the emerging Eurasian military-industrial bloc far more seriously.
And we must address this threat through close cooperation with our European, North American, and Indo-Pacific partners.
Security in Europe and Asia is deeply interconnected. And it is also essential for maintaining a stable international order, which is now being threatened by a growing cooperation of autocratic, revisionist states.
Putin's daily bombardment of Ukraine would not have been possible without access to Chinese technologies and North Korean personnel.
Russia and China, in particular, are synchronising their actions, sharing weapons and know-how, and amplifying each other's narratives. They even dare to blame NATO for the war in Ukraine!
This dangerous cooperation contributes to narrowing the distance between Europe and Asia. Conflicts on one continent have spillover effects on the other. And we should not pretend otherwise!
There is much more NATO can accomplish working with partners, in particular Indo-Pacific countries - Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and the Republic of Korea.
Frankly, we must prepare ourselves to address the potential multi-theatre war collectively. We must learn from each other, combine our efforts, and reap the benefits of close cooperation!
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Recognizing that the rules-based international order is under serious threat, we must also avoid the false belief that others will assume primary responsibility for Europe's security.
The European Union has its own role to play in strengthening deterrence and defence.
This is not about replicating NATO's efforts, but about reinforcing and complementing them.
It is precisely by strengthening the European dimension within the Alliance that the European Union could successfully contribute to the implementation of NATO's core tasks.
NATO and the European Union need to enhance their capacity to function as a single, integrated system. Both organizations must clearly define their roles in upholding peace through strength. It is what real European security architecture should deliver!
Looking forward to the challenges that lie ahead of us, I want to underline the importance of the Defence Readiness Roadmap 2030 presented by the European Commission.
I see the urgent need to start implementing the flagship projects as the Eastern Flank Watch, the European Drone Defence Initiative, and the European Space Shield.
It is also crucially important to overcome the painful obstacles of fragmentation in the European defence industry that have long held us back.
We still function as 27 separate systems. Over time, we will produce all the ammunition we need, and we can reinforce each other with all the military equipment we have. But if our systems are incompatible or if our forces are not trained to use them properly, then all our efforts risk falling short.
The implementation of the Roadmap will require not only sustained national defence spending agreed at the NATO Summit in The Hague, but also sufficient EU funding. And Ukraine, being the first line of defence, should be key part of our defence readiness.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Next year, Lithuania will complete its preparations to assume the Presidency of the Council of the European Union in 2027.
Our Presidency priorities will focus on strengthening security and defence within both the European Union and the broader Euro-Atlantic area. This includes providing essential support for Ukraine and ensuring adequate defence funding. We will work to enhance European competitiveness and economic resilience while aiming for an ambitious next Multiannual Financial Framework.
We will also work to ensure internal security, with a focus on effective migration management and securing our external borders.
Furthermore, Lithuania will emphasize advancing EU enlargement and safeguarding the rules-based international order. We will maintain a strong and vocal European commitment to Ukraine's EU accession, supporting Ukraine's goal of joining by 2030. We will strive to ensure that enlargement remains merit-based and bilateral issues do not block this vital process.
Finally, assuming the Presidency, we will highlight the importance of historical memory, calling for the preparation of educational programs, strengthening collaboration among historians and experts to preserve European memory and fighting against attempts to rewrite history.
The Memorial to the Victims of Totalitarianism in Brussels will be the right step in this direction. The realisation of such a project is important for the common European memory, for the unification of Western and East-Central Europe, and for a common approach to the history of fascism and communism.
My sincere wish is for all democratic nations worldwide to find the internal strength to maintain our shared values, and to use that strength for effective security and defence cooperation on a global stage.
And now, I thank you sincerely, and I wish you all productive discussions!
Gitanas Nausėda, President of the Republic of Lithuania
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