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Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

DATE=4/3/2000
TYPE=BACKGROUND REPORT
TITLE=RUSSIA ELECT / MEDIA
NUMBER=5-46067
BYLINE=PETER HEINLEIN
DATELINE=MOSCOW
CONTENT=
VOICED AT:
INTRO:  The conduct of Russia's media during the 
recent presidential election campaign has raised 
questions about just how free the country's press is.  
International observers gave a relatively positive 
verdict on the election.  But as V-O-A Correspondent 
Peter Heinlein reports from Moscow, some media critics 
and watchdog groups say press freedom is at its lowest 
point since the collapse of the Soviet Union.
TEXT:  When Vladimir Putin was asked during a pre-
election interview to outline his plans for Russia, he 
bluntly told a reporter, "I won't tell you."  In most 
countries, such a remark would have provoked outrage.  
But  not  in Russia.
Here, the state-run television channels that most 
Russians rely on as their only source of news 
completely ignored the remark. Media researcher Igor 
Galin, who studied the campaign coverage, says only 
positive images of Mr. Putin dominated the airwaves.
            ///  GALIN ACT  ///
We have a situation where about 50 percent of news 
coverage was about Putin and what he did during the 
campaign. Not exactly about him campaigning, but about 
his being acting president.
            ///  END ACT  ///
Media watcher Alexei Pankin, publisher of a weekly 
journalism review, says even the independent N-T-V 
channel, which favored liberal economist Grigory 
Yavlinsky, was careful  not  to offend Mr. Putin, 
knowing he was certain to win, and as president would 
hold vast power it.
            ///  PANKIN ACT ONE  ///
N-T-V was playing funny games at the same time, trying 
to look critical as  not  to antagonize Putin strongly 
enough that he demands they pay their unpaid debts.
            ///  END ACT  ///
Mr. Pankin says the Russian press is extremely 
vulnerable to government pressure. This is because few 
media organizations pay taxes, knowing that 
authorities usually look the other way (ignore the 
violations).  But Mr. Pankin says independent 
newspaper publishers and broadcasters know that if 
they offend local bureaucrats, they might suddenly 
find the tax collector at the door.
            ///  PANKIN ACT TWO  ///
Basically, it's their own corruptness above all.  If 
you're  not  paying what you owe, if your transactions 
are mostly in black cash, you are extremely 
vulnerable.  The media loves to be fed by the state, 
and then to call itself independent.
            ///  END ACT  ///
Those newspaper publishers who choose to remain 
completely independent find themselves facing fierce 
competition from well-financed state-run publications.  
Eventually, most find themselves with a stark choice: 
either accept government subsidies, and the state 
control that goes with them, or go bankrupt.
///  OPT  ///   Yefim Shusterman is one exception.  
His independent weekly paper in the southern city of 
Volgograd, known as "Inter", has nearly twice the 
circulation of the largest state-run daily.  His 
business is surviving, though he says it is a day-to-
day struggle.  He adds, however, that hard times 
(financial difficulties) have forced most of his 
colleagues to sacrifice their principles.
            ///  OPT  //  SHUSTERMAN ACT - IN RUSSIAN 
-  FADE UNDER TRANSLATION  ///
The authorities know perfectly well that economic 
hardships these days make the press become 
prostitutes, to submit to the governor. Those who have 
little conscience have given in to him already.
            ///  END ACT  //  END OPT  ///
Media watcher Robert Coalson of the U-S government-
funded National Press Institute says that by 
controlling the regional press and the main national 
television channels, Russian authorities maintain firm 
control over public opinion.
            ///  COALSON ACT ONE  ///
It's  not  an accident that the state has kept tight 
control over papers and less control over (regional) 
TV because the combination of nationally controlled TV 
and locally controlled papers is such an effective way 
of manipulating public opinion.
            ///  END ACT  ///
///  opt  ///   Mr. Coalson points out that the 
government has another weapon that effectively 
silences all election campaign coverage in the 
influential regional press.
            ///  OPT  COALSON ACT TWO  ///
The election law is written is such a way basically 
that any material about any candidate or any party 
could be considered some sort of agitation.  Or some 
sort of libel.  And most papers are in such a 
vulnerable position that they didn't participate at 
all.  
            ///  END ACT  //  END OPT  ///
Mr. Coalson says a review of regional papers in the 
week before the presidential vote revealed that most 
of them had  no  election coverage whatsoever.  He 
lashes out at international observer groups which 
effectively gave the election, and Russian democracy, 
a stamp of approval.
            ///  COALSON ACT THREE  ///
The idea that democracy is flourishing is a 
misconception. The fact is even in the Soviet Union 
they had elections and people voted and it wasn't a 
democracy and they fact they have election now is not 
a sign it has democracy. An election process without 
the active and informed participation of the 
electorate is just a sham.
            ///  END ACT  ///
Several observers say another disturbing sign is the 
number of incumbents who win with overwhelming 
majorities, even in regions where anti-government 
sentiments run high.  One example is the northern 
Murmansk region, where the governor was re-elected 
last month with 98 percent of the votes.
So while Europe's main security organization, the O-S-
C-E, gave the election its preliminary approval, 
several independent analysts have concluded the vote 
was a farce, and question whether it may have done 
more harm than good to the cause of democratic 
development in Russia.  (Signed)
NEB/PFH/DW
03-Apr-2000 06:54 AM EDT (03-Apr-2000 1054 UTC)
NNNN
Source: Voice of America
.





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