Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD)

The Iraqi national assembly gathered last Wednesday and for the first time in the country's history, a Kurd was elected as the president. Mr. Talabani was proposed by the Kurdish leader Massoud Barzani as the Kurdistan Alliance nominee and was approved by all political forces in Kurdistan. The presidency of Mr. Talabani confirms that Kurds as expected, had the legal space to appoint one of the two leading positions in the new Iraqi governing structure.
Kurds find it important to be recognized firstly as a nation and then as one of the two cofounders of this new Iraqi republic. Kurds were at deep odds with the former regimes fighting against it for the last 83 years. They did not see themselves as the citizens of the old Iraq and never even considered to recognize a forced government that systematically worked against them as a nation, a country that rejected them the right to their nationhood and culture. Kurds did not hide their cooperation with the international coalition forces in toppling the former Iraqi state. Neither did they hide their joy when the former regime was replaced by a new one headed by a Kurd.
The old Iraqi state with Saddam Hussein as its symbol, tried much to eradicate the Kurds. During its thirty years in power, hundred thousands of Kurds were disappeared; the Anfal and Halabja are named frequently although there are many other examples.
This is the reason why Kurdistan after the collapse of Saddam and its state apparatus, was not willing to accept Iraqiness easily. An identity Kurds successfully refused to accept. Kurds are eager to preserve and establish their Kurdish identity before accepting their identity as Iraqis, and this remains a condition set by them when they accepted to take part in the forming of the new Iraq. Thus, the post of the president is the only means in protecting their national rights within the future Iraqi constitution.
Kurds want to stress two things within this constitution, the right to self-determination and the principle of an approved union.
No presidential elections were held in Iraq. The president was elected in accordance to months of negotiations between the election winners and the kingmakers of the January polls. Mr Talabani is Kurdish representative in Baghdad to ensure that Kurdish rights are preserved in the future. Kurds will watchfully require from their representative to work in that direction. This will in no ways make obstacles on his way to complete his other commitments as the leader of the new united, federal Iraq. Iraq has taken its first step toward democracy and basically all national, political and religious factions are satisfied. The path that led here was not an easy one, there are, however other steps that should be taken.

A Kurd as Iraqi president - symbolic for now, important later?
By Seb Walker, Globe staff writer
The most noteworthy aspect to the appointment of Jalal Talabani - Kurdish leader and former peshmerga fighter - as president of Iraq is, at the moment, the symbolism. It is a stunning demonstration of Iraqi Kurds' new-found political clout. To have a non-Arab president of a supposedly ``Arab'' state is one thing, but Iraq is a special case and the Kurds' history here has been one of constant persecution and political marginalization. While the presidency is largely ceremonial, the role has enormous prestige if little real power.
The fact that a Kurd who has spent much of his adult life in open revolt against Baghdad can now be occupying a post formerly filled by Saddam Hussein, just two years after the USled invasion, speaks volumes about the Kurdish success in the national polls. Internationally, the Iraqi presidency is hugely significant. Ghazi al Yawar was regarded as the country's ``leader'' but the fact he was appointed rather than elected was always an obstacle towards global acceptance. Mam Jalal does not have this problem - it is he rather than the prime minister who will be invited to represent his country on ceremonial visits to the White House or the United Nations. A Kurd representing Iraq. The full weight of this reality will be felt more strongly within the Middle East than outside it. To western newspaper readers, the ethnicity of Iraq's president is a small and largely unimportant detail.
Mildly interesting, but ``so what?'' Of course, things are markedly different in Iraq's neighbourhood. Turkey, Iran, Syria all live in fear of rising Iraqi Kurd strength, fearing the impact this could have on their own Kurdish communities. All three countries have a less-than-perfect record of tolerance towards ethnic minorities, especially Kurds. However, the character of Talabani is important here. He is a consummate politician who has cultivated good relations with governments around the region, sometimes to the detriment of his alliances within Iraq. The reaction of Turkey, long-opposed to manifestations of Iraqi Kurd strength is a good measure of how he will be accepted in the region. See, for instance, the guarded yet positive comments of Turkish foreign minister Abdullah Gul: ``He is someone who values Iraq's integrity. Therefore I congratulate him.'' Talabani has that special ability to be all things to all men, building relations in places where other Kurdish leaders would find it more difficult. He has allies in all sectors of Iraq's political landscape - revered on the Kurdish street, accepted by Sunni tribal leaders, friendly with Ayatollah Ali Sistani… he bridges many divides. He is the sweetener to that bitter pill and, as such, is perfect for the job - as long as he can keep everybody happy. For while Talabani is giving reassurances to Ankara that he is committed to a unified Iraq, he will also be under pressure from his core supporters, the Kurds, to extract for them the maximum possible benefits during his tenure. Since these, at minimum, include a constitution granting the Kurds federal autonomy, control of their natural resources and inclusion of oil-rich Kirkuk within Kurdish territory, Talabani will have to use all his juggling skills. True, his job is theoretically a ceremonial post - but other than being a figurehead, there are real responsibilities and duties, which Iraq's president is supposed to fulfill.
Add to that the ebullient, charismatic nature of this 72-year-old politician and its clear there will be a much more high-profile presidency than that of al Yawar. The political process ongoing in Iraq is without precedent, so it is unclear how much President Talabani will be able to assert himself. But given the political history of the post within Iraq, nobody should be surprised if this Iraqi president of Kurdish origin turns out to be less ``ceremonial'' than first thought.

The death of the old Iraq
By Aso Kerim

After More than two months of political rustling, the new Iraqi parliament elected a Sunni Arab speaker from the Iraqi List, and two deputies-- one Shiite, from the United Iraqi Accord, and another one from the Kurdistan Alliance. Despite the fact that there has been a mutual agreement between the list of candidates, in particular between the Kurds and the Shiites, yet the outcome of the voting of the 241 members of parliament last week spoke its true language: Hajim al Hasani received 215 votes, Hussein Shahristani 157 votes and Arif Taifour gained only 96 votes.
A close reading of the resultsof the parliament voting shows that the Kurdish contender received fewer votes from other lists despite previous agreements. Kurds should hang around for a moment and revise their open deals with the other lists, especially their agreements with the Shiites. Doesn't the parliament voting mean that what the Shiite list says is not what they really mean? Iraq cannot be rebuilt this way. Three days later, Iraqi parliament, abided by previous arrangements, elected Mr
Talabani as the president, Adil Abdulmahdi Ghazi and Ghazi Yawar, a Sunni Arab, were also elected the first and second vice presidents of the Federal Republic of Iraq.
The appointment of Mam Jalal as the head of the state, marks a new era in the history of Iraq as a country in which an Iraqi of Kurdish origin, representing the people of Kurdistan, takes a top leading position. This is, in deed, of great moral importance for the Kurds and it also implies that the sectarian era in which citizens were categorized in first and second citizenship, according to their national, religious or ethnic orientation has passed. Being appointed to hold a leading post within the Iraqi government is not the main objective for the Kurds.
Kurds cannot depend on their agreements with the Shiites and the Sunnis as the only source of guaranty and in order to secure their legal and political status in the future. The permanent constitution should specifically and explicitly refer to Iraq as a federal republic, which is made up of a non-compulsory union between the Kurdish region and other Iraqi regions. It should also be enshrined in the constitution that the people of Kurdistan abided by it can decide on their future and breakaway from it if that becomes the agenda.
Kurds keep a worried eye on how the permanent constitution is being formed and how it is being put to practice; hence, the international community should watchfully monitor the steps the new Iraq is taking. Since in a country like Iraq, with its complex and violent history, there is a notable difference between reaching agreements and putting the agreements into practice. If such international guaranties are not given to the Kurds, their remaining within Iraqi state is pointless. After inaugurating the president, the next step is to form a government. The coalition sides, Kurds and Shiites, are still in talks on the formation of the new administration and the cabinet members. Shiite
Alliance tries to fully take over the cabinet and make the power centralized. It is yet not too late for the Kurdish Alliance and the Shiites to come to a reasonable agreement regarding the actual power sharing and a just solution to the Kirkuk crises. The old Iraq has collapsed and there is no return for the new Iraq, yet much is needed to be done before one can see Iraq as a democratic country.
Establishing peace in Iraq firmly depends on reinforcing justice; in this regard, one should look upon other experiences in other countries like in the Balkans.