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[DOCID: f:83869.wais]
S. Prt. 107-84
EXECUTIVE SESSIONS OF THE SENATE
PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON
INVESTIGATIONS OF THE COMMITTEE
ON GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS
=======================================================================
VOLUME 1
__________
EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
1953
MADE PUBLIC JANUARY 2003
Printed for the use of the Committee on Governmental Affairs
________
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83-869 WASHINGTON : 2003
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COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS
107th Congress, Second Session
JOSEPH I. LIEBERMAN, Connecticut, Chairman
CARL LEVIN, Michigan FRED THOMPSON, Tennessee
DANIEL K. AKAKA, Hawaii TED STEVENS, Alaska
RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois SUSAN M. COLLINS, Maine
ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jersey GEORGE V. VOINOVICH, Ohio
MAX CLELAND, Georgia THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi
THOMAS R. CARPER, Delaware ROBERT F. BENNETT, Utah
MARK DAYTON, Minnesota JIM BUNNING, Kentucky
PETER G. FITZGERALD, Illinois
Joyce A. Rechtschaffen, Staff Director and Counsel
Richard A. Hertling, Minority Staff Director
Darla D. Cassell, Chief Clerk
------
PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS
CARL LEVIN, Michigan, Chairman
DANIEL K. AKAKA, Hawaii, SUSAN M. COLLINS, Maine
RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois TED STEVENS, Alaska
ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jersey GEORGE V. VOINOVICH, Ohio
MAX CLELAND, Georgia THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi
THOMAS R. CARPER, Delaware ROBERT F. BENNETT, Utah
MARK DAYTON, Minnesota JIM BUNNING, Kentucky
PETER G. FITZGERALD, Illinois
Elise J. Bean, Staff Director and Chief Counsel
Kim Corthell, Minority Staff Director
Mary D. Robertson, Chief Clerk
COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS
83rd Congress, First Session
JOSEPH R. McCARTHY, Wisconsin, Chairman
KARL E. MUNDT, South Dakota JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas
MARGARET CHASE SMITH, Maine HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Minnesota
HENRY C. DWORSHAK, Idaho HENRY M. JACKSON, Washington
EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois JOHN F. KENNEDY, Massachusetts
JOHN MARSHALL BUTLER, Maryland STUART SYMINGTON, Missouri
CHARLES E. POTTER, Michigan ALTON A. LENNON, North Carolina
Francis D. Flanagan, Chief Counsel
Walter L. Reynolds, Chief Clerk
------
PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS
JOSEPH R. McCARTHY, Wisconsin, Chairman
KARL E. MUNDT, South Dakota JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas \1\
EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois HENRY M. JACKSON, Washington \1\
CHARLES E. POTTER, Michigan STUART SYMINGTON, Missouri \1\
Roy M. Cohn, Chief Counsel
Francis P. Carr, Executive Director
Ruth Young Watt, Chief Clerk
assistant counsels
Robert F. Kennedy Donald A. Surine
Thomas W. La Venia Jerome S. Adlerman
Donald F. O'Donnell C. George Anastos
Daniel G. Buckley
investigators
Robert J. McElroy
Herbert S. Hawkins James N. Juliana
G. David Schine, Chief Consultant
Karl H. W. Baarslag, Director of Research
Carmine S. Bellino, Consulting Accountant
La Vern J. Duffy, Staff Assistant
----------
\1\ The Democratic members were absent from the subcommittee from
July 10, 1953 to January 25, 1954.
C O N T E N T S
----------
Page
Volume 1
Preface.......................................................... xi
Introduction..................................................... xiii
Russell W. Duke, January 15...................................... 1
Testimony of Russell W. Duke.
Russell W. Duke, January 16...................................... 33
Testimony of Edward P. Morgan.
Stockpiling in General Services Administration, January 26....... 97
Testimony of George Willi; and Maxwell H. Elliott.
Stockpiling of Strategic Materials, January 29................... 121
Testimony of Downs E. Hewitt.
File Destruction in Department of State, January 26.............. 143
Testimony of John E. Matson.
File Destruction in Department of State, January 27.............. 177
Testimony of Helen B. Balog.
File Destruction in Department of State, January 28.............. 207
Testimony of Malvina M. Kerr; and Vladimir I. Toumanoff.
File Destruction in Department of State, January 29.............. 283
Testimony of Robert J. Ryan; and Mansfield Hunt.
Payment for Influence--Gas Pipeline Matter, January 26........... 321
Testimony of Eugene H. Cole.
Payment for Influence--Gas Pipeline Matter, January 27........... 337
Testimony of Eugene H. Cole.
Payment for Influence--Gas Pipeline Matter, February 7........... 349
Testimony of Clyde Austin; O.V. Wells; and John W. Carlisle.
Payment for Influence--Gas Pipeline Matter, March 3.............. 379
Testimony of Vernon Booth Lowrey.
Payment for Influence--Gas Pipeline Matter, March 24............. 393
Testimony of James M. Bryant.
Violation of Export Control Statutes, February 2................. 411
Testimony of E.L. Kohler.
Voice of America, February 13.................................... 457
Testimony of Lewis J. McKesson; Virgil H. Fulling; Edwin
Kretzmann; and Howard Fast.
Voice of America, February 14.................................... 499
Testimony of Lewis J. McKesson; James M. Moran; George Q.
Herrick; Newbern Smith; Stuart Ayers; Larry Bruzzese; and
Nancy Lenkeith.
Voice of America--Transmission Facilities, February 16........... 577
Testimony of Wilson R. Compton; and General Frank E. Stoner.
Voice of America, February 17.................................... 599
Testimony of Harold C. Vedeler.
Voice of America, February 23.................................... 615
Testimony of Nathaniel Weyl; Donald Henderson; Alfred Puhan;
James F. Thompson; and Reed Harris.
Voice of America, February 24.................................... 715
Testimony of W. Bradley Connors.
Voice of America, February 28.................................... 719
Testimony of Fernand Auberjonois; Norman Stanley Jacobs;
Raymond Gram Swing; and Troup Mathews.
Voice of America, March 3........................................ 765
Testimony of Jack B. Tate.
Voice of America, March 7........................................ 769
Testimony of Mrs. William Grogan; and Dorothy Fried.
Voice of America, March 10....................................... 795
Testimony of David Cushman Coyle; John Francis McJennett,
Jr.; and Robert L. Thompson.
Voice of America, March 16....................................... 881
Testimony of Charles P. Arnot.
Loyalty Board Procedures, March 18............................... 903
Testimony of John H. Amen.
Volume 2
State Department Information Service--Information Centers,
March 23....................................................... 913
Testimony of Mary M. Kaufman; Sol Auerbach (James S. Allen);
and William Marx Mandel.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers,
March 24....................................................... 945
Testimony of Samuel Dashiell Hammett; Helen Goldfrank; Jerre
G. Mangione; and James Langston Hughes.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers,
March 25....................................................... 999
Testimony of Mary Van Kleeck; and Edwin Seaver.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers,
March 31....................................................... 1015
Testimony of Edward W. Barrett.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers,
April 1........................................................ 1045
Testimony of Dan Mabry Lacy.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers,
April 24....................................................... 1071
Testimony of James A. Wechsler--published in 1953.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers,
April 28....................................................... 1073
Testimony of Theodore Kaghan.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers, May 5. 1115
Testimony of James A. Wechsler--published in 1953.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers, May 5. 1117
Testimony of Millen Brand.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers, May 6. 1123
Testimony of John L. Donovan.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers, May 13 1135
Testimony of James Aronson; and Cedric Belfrage.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers, May 19 1161
Testimony of Julien Bryan.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers, July 1 1193
Testimony of Richard O. Boyer; Rockwell Kent; Edwin B.
Burgum; Joseph Freeman; George Seldes; and Doxey Wilkerson.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers, July 2 1217
Testimony of Allan Chase.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers, July 7 1223
Testimony of Eslanda Goode Robeson; Arnaud d'Usseau; and Leo
Huberman.
State Department Information Service--Information Centers, July
14............................................................. 1231
Testimony of Harvey O'Connor.
State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, May 20........ 1235
Testimony of Naphtali Lewis.
State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, May 25........ 1245
Testimony of Helen B. Lewis; Naphtali Lewis; and Margaret
Webster.
State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, May 26........ 1267
Testimony of Aaron Copland.
State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, June 8........ 1291
Testimony of Rachel Davis DuBois; and Dr. Dorothy Ferebee.
State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, June 19....... 1305
Testimony of Clarence F. Hiskey.
State Department Teacher-Student Exchange Program, June 19....... 1311
Testimony of Harold C. Urey.
Trade with Soviet-Bloc Countries, May 20......................... 1321
Trade with Soviet-Bloc Countries, May 25......................... 1329
Testimony of Charles S. Thomas; Louis W. Goodkind; Thruston
B. Morton; Kenneth R. Hansen; and Vice Admiral Walter S.
Delaney.
Austrian Incident, June 3........................................ 1349
Testimony of V. Frank Coe.
Austrian Incident, June 5........................................ 1367
Testimony of V. Frank Coe.
Communist Party Activities, Western Pennsylvania, June 17........ 1373
Testimony of Louis Bortz; and Herbert S. Hawkins.
Communist Party Activities, Western Pennsylvania, June 18........ 1395
Testimony of Louis Bortz.
Special Meeting, July 10......................................... 1399
Alleged Bribery of State Department Official, July 13............ 1415
Testimony of Juan Jose Martinez-Locayo.
Internal Revenue, July 31........................................ 1431
Testimony of T. Coleman Andrews.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 10.................. 1439
Testimony of Mary S. Markward; Edward M. Rothschild; Esther
Rothschild; and James B. Phillips.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 11.................. 1473
Testimony of Frederick Sillers; Gertrude Evans; and Charles
Gift.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 11.................. 1497
Testimony of Raymond Blattenberger; and Phillip L. Cole.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 12.................. 1515
Testimony of Ernest C. Mellor; and S. Preston Hipsley.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 13.................. 1527
Testimony of Irving Studenberg.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 13.................. 1533
Testimony of Gertrude Evans; and Charles Gift.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 14.................. 1547
Testimony of Howard Merold; Jack Zucker; Howard Koss; and
Isadore Kornfield.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 15.................. 1563
Testimony of Cleta Guess; James E. Duggan; and Adolphus
Nichols Spence.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 18.................. 1573
Testimony of Roy Hudson Wells, Jr.; and Phillip Fisher.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 19.................. 1577
Testimony of Joseph E. Francis; Samuel Bernstein; and Roscoe
Conkling Everhardt.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 21.................. 1595
Testimony of Florence Fowler Lyons.
Security--Government Printing Office, August 29.................. 1603
Testimony of Alfred L. Fleming; Carl J. Lundmark; Earl Cragg;
and Harry Falk.
Stockpiling and Metal Program, August 21......................... 1615
Statement of Robert C. Miller.
Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, August 31.... 1625
Testimony of Doris Walters Powell; Francesco Palmiero; and
Albert E. Feldman.
Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September 1.. 1651
Testimony of Cpt. Donald Joseph Kotch; Stanley Garber; Jacob
W. Allen; Deton J. Brooks, Jr.; Col. Ralph M. Bauknight;
Doris Walters Powell; Francesco Palmiero; Marvel Cooke; and
Paul Cavanna.
Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September 2.. 1695
Testimony of Mary Columbo Palmiero; Col. Wallace W. Lindsay;
Col. Wendell G. Johnson; Maj. Harold N. Krau; Louis Francis
Budenz; Augustin Arrigo; and Muriel Silverberg.
Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September 3.. 1729
Testimony of John Stewart Service; Donald Joseph Kotch;
Michael J. Lynch; and Jacob W. Allen.
Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September 8.. 1745
Testimony of H. Donald Murray.
Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September 9.. 1777
Testimony of Alexander Naimon; John Lautner; Esther Leenov
Ferguson.
Volume 3
Security--United Nations, September 14........................... 1807
Testimony of Julius Reiss; and Florence Englander.
Security--United Nations, September 15........................... 1833
Testimony of Paul Crouch; Dimitri Varley; Abraham Unger; and
Alice Ehrenfeld.
Security--United Nations, September 16........................... 1877
Testimony of Frank Cernrey; and Helen Matousek.
Security--United Nations, September 17........................... 1889
Testimony of Abraham Unger; Vachel Lofek; and David M.
Freedman.
Communist Infiltration in the Army, September 21................. 1899
Testimony of Igor Bogolepov; Vladimir Petrov; Gen. Richard C.
Partridge; and Samuel McKee.
Communist Infiltration in the Army, September 23................. 1913
Testimony of Louis Budenz; Harriett Moore Gelfan; and Corliss
Lamont.
Korean War Atrocities, October 6................................. 1923
Testimony of Edward J. Lyons, Jr.; Lt. Col. Lee H. Kostora;
Maj. James Kelleher; Lt. Col. J. W. Whitehorne, III; Gen.
Fenn; and John Adams.
Korean War Atrocities, October 31................................ 1943
Korean War Atrocities, November 30............................... 1965
Testimony of 1st Lt. Henry J. McNichols, Jr.; Sgt. Barry F.
Rhoden; Capt. Linton J. Buttrey; Sgt. Carey H. Weinel; Col.
James M. Hanley; Pfc. John E. Martin; Capt. Alexander G.
Makarounis.
Korean War Atrocities, December 1................................ 2043
Testimony of Lt. Col. John W. Gorn; Lt. Col. James T. Rogers;
Cpl. Lloyd D. Kreider; Sgt. Robert L. Sharps; William L.
Milano; Sgt. Wendell Treffery; Sgt. George J. Matta; Cpl.
Willie L. Daniels; Sgt. John L. Watters, Jr.; Sgt. Orville
R. Mullins; and Donald R. Brown.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 8........... 2119
Statements of Paul Siegel; Jerome Corwin; Allen J.
Lovenstein; Edward J. Fister; William P. Goldberg; and
Jerome Rothstein.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 9........... 2201
Statements of Alan Sterling Gross; Dr. Fred B. Daniels;
Bernard Lipel; James Evers; Sol Bremmer; Murray Miller;
Sherwood Leeds; Paul M. Leeds.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 12.......... 2275
Statements of Louis Volp; William Patrick Lonnie; Henry F.
Burkhard; Marcel Ullmann; and Herbert F. Hecker.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 12.......... 2303
Testimony of Marcel Ullmann; Morris Keiser; Seymour
Rabinowitz; Rudolph C. Riehs; and Carl Greenblum.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 13.......... 2329
Testimony of Joseph Levitsky; William Ludwig Ullman; Bernard
Martin; Louis Kaplan; Harry Donohue; Jack Frolow; Bernard
Lewis; and Craig Crenshaw.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 14.......... 2389
Testimony of Harold Ducore; Aaron H. Coleman; Samuel
Pomerentz; and Haym G. Yamins.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 14.......... 2457
Testimony of Harold Ducore; Jack Okun; and Maj. Gen. Kirke B.
Lawton.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 15.......... 2487
Testimony of Vivian Glassman Pataki; Eleanor Glassman Hutner;
Samuel I. Greenman; Ira J. Katchen; Max Elitcher; Eugene E.
Hutner; Col. John V. Mills; Maj. James J. Gallagher; Marcel
Ullmann; Benjamin Zuckerman; and Benjamin Bookbinder.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 16.......... 2563
Testimony of Maj. Gen. Kirke Lawton; Maj. Gen. George I.
Back; Maj. Jenista; Col. Ferry; John Pernice; Karl Gerhard;
Carl Greenblum; Markus Epstein; and Leo M. Miller.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 17.......... 2625
Testimony of Alfred C. Walker; Joseph Levitsky; and Louis
Antell.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 22.......... 2649
Testimony of Fred Joseph Kitty; Jack Okun; Aaron Coleman; and
Barry S. Bernstein.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 22.......... 2697
Testimony of Benjamin Wolman; Harvey Sachs; Leonard E. Mins;
and Sylvia Berke.
Volume 4
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 23.......... 2729
Testimony of Sidney Glassman; David Ayman; Lawrence Freidman;
Elba Chase Nelson; Herbert S. Bennett; Joseph H. Percoff;
Lawrence Aguimbau; and Perry Seay.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 26.......... 2777
Statements of Benjamin Zuckerman; Hans Inslerman; Thomas K.
Cookson; Doris Seifert; Lafayette Pope; Ralph Iannarone;
Saul Finkelstein; Abraham Lepato; Irving Rosenheim; and
Richard Jones, Jr.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 27.......... 2815
Statements of Edward Brody; Max Katz; Henry Jasik; Capt.
Benjamin Sheehan; Russell Gaylord Ranney; Susan Moon; Peter
Rosmovsky; and Sarah Omanson.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, October 30.......... 2851
Statements of Harold Ducore; Stanley R. Rich; Nathan Sussman;
Louis Leo Kaplan; Carl Greenblum; Sherrod East; Jacob
Kaplan; James P. Scott; Bernard Lee; and Melvin M. Morris.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 2.......... 2893
Statements of William Johnston Jones; Murray Nareell; Samuel
Sack; Joseph Bert; Raymond Delcamp; Leo Fary; and Irving
Stokes.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 3.......... 2919
Testimony of Abraham Chasanow; Joseph H. Percoff; Solomon
Greenberg; Isadore Solomon; William Saltzman; and Samuel
Sack.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 4.......... 2953
Testimony of Victor Rabinowitz; Wendell Furry; Diana Wolman;
Abraham Brothman; Norman Gaboriault; Harvey Sachs; Sylvia
Berke; and Benjamin Wolman.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 5.......... 3033
Testimony of Harry Hyman; Vivian Glassman Pataki; Gunnar
Boye; Alexander Hindin; Samuel Paul Gisser; Stanley
Berinsky; Ralph Schutz; and Henry Shoiket.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 16......... 3083
Testimony of Rear Admiral Edward Culligan Forsyth; Samuel
Snyder; Ernest Pataki; Albert Socol; Joseph K. Crevisky;
Ignatius Giardina; and Leon Schnee.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 17......... 3125
Testimony of James Weinstein; Harry Grundfest; Harry
Pastorinsky; Emery Pataki; and Charles Jassik.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, November 25......... 3151
Testimony of Morris Savitt; Albert Fischler; James J. Matles;
Bertha Singer; and Terry Rosenbaum.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 10......... 3171
Testimony of Michael Sidorovich; and Ann Sidorovich.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 10......... 3175
Statement of Samuel Levine.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 14......... 3199
Testimony of Albert Shadowitz; Pvt. David Linfield; Shirley
Shapiro; and Sidney Stolbert.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 15......... 3221
Testimony of Ezekiel Heyman; Lester Ackerman; Sigmond Berger;
Ruth Levine; Bennett Davies; John D. Saunders; Norman
Spiro; Carter Lemuel Burkes; John R. Simkovich; Linda
Gottfried; Joseph Paul Komar; John Anthony DeLuca; and Sam
Morris.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 16......... 3273
Testimony of Wilbur LePage; Martin Levine; John Schickler;
David Lichter; Albert Burrows; Seymour Butensky; and
Kenneth John Way.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 17......... 3309
Statements of Irving Israel Galex; Harry Lipson; Seymour
Janowsky; Harry M. Nachmais; Curtis Quinten Murphy; Martin
Schmidt; and David Holtzman.
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, December 18......... 3349
Statements of Joseph John Oliveri; Philip Joseph Shapiro;
Samuel Martin Segner; Joseph Linton Layne; and Harry
William Levitties.
Transfer of Occupation Currency Plates--Espionage Phase,
October 19..................................................... 3403
Testimony of William H. Taylor; and Alvin W. Hall.
Transfer of Occupation Currency Plates--Espionage Phase,
October 21..................................................... 3425
Testimony of Elizabeth Bentley.
Transfer of Occupation Currency Plates--Espionage Phase,
November 10.................................................... 3431
Statement of Walter F. Frese.
Subversion and Espionage in Defense Establishments and Industry,
November 12.................................................... 3445
Testimony of Jean A. Arsenault; Sidney Friedlander; Theresa
Mary Chiaro; Albert J. Bottisti; Anna Jegabbi; Emma
Elizabeth Drake; Henry Daniel Hughes; Abden Francisco;
Joseph Arthur Gebhardt; Emanuel Fernandez; Robert Pierson
Northrup; Lawrence Leo Gebo; William J. Mastriani; Gordon
Belgrave; Arthur Lee Owens; John Sardella; and Rudolph
Rissland.
Subversion and Espionage in Defense Establishments and Industry,
November 13.................................................... 3545
Testimony of Lillian Krummel; Dewey Franklin Brashear; Arthur
George; Higeno Hermida; Paul K. Hacko; Alex Henry Klein;
Harold S. Rollins; and John Starling Brooks.
Subversion and Espionage in Defense Establishments and Industry,
November 18.................................................... 3585
Testimony of Karl T. Mabbskka; James John Walsh; Nathaniel
Mills; Robert Goodwin; Henry Canning Archdeacon; Donald
Herbert Morrill; Francis F. Peacock; William Richmond
Wilder; Donald R. Finlayson; Theodore Pappas; George Homes;
Alexander Gregory; Witoutos S. Bolys; Benjamin Alfred; and
Witulad Piekarski.
Transfer of the Ship ``Greater Buffalo'', December 8............. 3609
Testimony of Paul D. Page, Jr.; and George J. Kolowich.
Personnel Practices in Government--Case of Telford Taylor,
December 8..................................................... 3639
Testimony of Philip Young.
PREFACE
----------
The power to investigate ranks among the U.S. Senate's
highest responsibilities. As James Madison reasoned in The
Federalist Papers: ``If men were angels, no government would be
necessary. If angels governed men, neither external nor
internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing
a government which is to be administered by men over men, the
great difficulty lies in this: You must first enable the
government to control the governed; and in the next place,
oblige it to control itself.'' It is precisely for the purposes
of government controlling itself that Congress investigates.
A century after Madison, another thoughtful authority on
Congress, Woodrow Wilson, judged the ``vigilant oversight of
administration'' to be as important as legislation. Wilson
argued that because self-governing people needed to be fully
informed in order to cast their votes wisely, the information
resulting from a Congressional investigation might be ``even
more important than legislation.'' Congress, he said, was the
``eyes and the voice'' of the nation.
In 1948, the Senate established the Permanent Subcommittee
on Investigations to continue the work of a special committee,
first chaired by Missouri Senator Harry Truman, to investigate
the national defense program during World War II. Over the next
half century, the Subcommittee under our predecessor Chairmen,
Senators John McClellan, Henry Jackson, Sam Nunn, William Roth,
and John Glenn, conducted a broad array of hard-hitting
investigations into allegations of corruption and malfeasance,
leading repeatedly to the exposure of wrongdoing and to the
reform of government programs.
The phase of the Subcommittee's history from 1953 to 1954,
when it was chaired by Joseph McCarthy, however, is remembered
differently. Senator McCarthy's zeal to uncover subversion and
espionage led to disturbing excesses. His browbeating tactics
destroyed careers of people who were not involved in the
infiltration of our government. His freewheeling style caused
both the Senate and the Subcommittee to revise the rules
governing future investigations, and prompted the courts to act
to protect the Constitutional rights of witnesses at
Congressional hearings. Senator McCarthy's excesses culminated
in the televised Army-McCarthy hearings of 1954, following
which the Senate voted overwhelmingly for his censure.
Under Senate provisions regulating investigative records,
the records of the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations are
deposited in the National Archives and sealed for fifty years,
in part to protect the privacy of the many witnesses who
testified in closed executive sessions. With the half century
mark here relative to the executive session materials of the
McCarthy subcommittee, we requested that the Senate Historical
Office prepare the transcripts for publication, to make them
equally accessible to students and the general public across
the nation. They were edited by Dr. Donald A. Ritchie, with the
assistance of Beth Bolling and Diane Boyle, and with the
cooperation of the staff of the Center for Legislative Archives
at the National Archives and Records Administration.
These hearings are a part of our national past that we can
neither afford to forget nor permit to reoccur.
Carl Levin,
Chairman.
Susan M. Collins,
Ranking Member.
Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations.
INTRODUCTION
----------
The executive sessions of the Permanent Subcommittee on
Investigations for the Eighty-third Congress, from 1953 to
1954, make sobering reading. Senator Joseph R. McCarthy assumed
the chairmanship of the Government Operations Committee in
January 1953 and exercised prerogative, under then existing
rules, to chair the subcommittee as well. For the three
previous years, Senator McCarthy had dominated the national
news with his charges of subversion and espionage at the
highest levels of the federal government, and the chairmanship
provided him with a vehicle for attempting to prove and perhaps
expand those allegations.
Elected as a Wisconsin Republican in 1946, Senator McCarthy
had burst into national headlines in February 1950, when he
delivered a Lincoln Day address in Wheeling, West Virginia,
that blamed failures in American foreign policy on Communist
infiltration of the United States government. He held in his
hand, the senator asserted, a list of known Communists still
working in the Department of State. When a special subcommittee
of the Foreign Relations Committee investigated these charges
and rejected them as ``a fraud and a hoax,'' the issue might
have died, but the outbreak of the Korean War, along with the
conviction of Alger Hiss and arrest of Julius Rosenberg in
1950, lent new credibility to McCarthy's charges. He continued
to make accusations that such prominent officials as General
George C. Marshall had been part of an immense Communist
conspiracy. In 1952, Dwight D. Eisenhower's election as
president carried Republican majorities in both houses of
Congress, and seniority elevated McCarthy to chairman of the
Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations.
Jurisdictional lines of the Senate assigned loyalty issues
to the Internal Security Subcommittee of the Judiciary
Committee, but Senator McCarthy interpreted his subcommittee's
mandate broadly enough to cover any government-related
activity, including subversion and espionage. Under his
chairmanship, the subcommittee shifted from searching out waste
and corruption in the executive branch to focusing almost
exclusively on Communist infiltration. The subcommittee vastly
accelerated the pace of its hearings. By comparison to the six
executive sessions held by his predecessor in 1952, McCarthy
held 117 in 1953. The subcommittee also conducted numerous
public hearings, which were often televised, but it did the
largest share of its work behind closed doors. During
McCarthy's first year as chairman, the subcommittee took
testimony from 395 witnesses in executive sessions and staff
interrogatories (by comparison to 214 witnesses in the public
sessions), and compiled 8,969 pages of executive session
testimony (compared to 5,671 pages of public hearings).
Transcripts of public hearings were published within months,
while those of executive sessions were sealed and deposited in
the National Archives and Records Administration. Under the
provisions of S. Res. 474, records involving Senate
investigations may be sealed for fifty years. With the approach
of the hearings' fiftieth anniversary, the Permanent
Subcommittee on Investigations authorized the Senate Historical
Office to prepare the executive session transcripts for
publication.
Professional stenographers worked independently under
contract to the Senate to produce the original transcripts of
the closed hearings. The transcripts are as accurate as the
stenographers were able to make them, but since neither
senators nor witnesses reviewed their remarks, as they would
have for published hearings, they could correct neither
misspelled names nor misheard words. Several different
stenographers operating in Washington, New York, and
Massachusetts prepared the transcripts, accounting for
occasional variations in style. The current editing has sought
to reproduce the transcripts as closely to their original form
as possible, deleting no content but correcting apparent
errors--such as the stenographer's turning the town of
Bethpage, New York, into a person's name, Beth Page.
Transcribers also employed inconsistent capitalization and
punctuation, which have been corrected in this printed version.
The executive sessions have been given the same titles as
the related public hearings, and all hearings on the same
subject matter have been grouped together chronologically. If
witnesses in executive session later testified in public, the
spelling of their names that appeared in the printed hearing
has been adopted. If thesubcommittee ordered that the executive
session testimony be published, those portions have not been reprinted,
but editorial notes indicate where the testimony occurred and provide a
citation. No transcripts were made of ``off the record'' discussions,
which are noted within the hearings. Senator McCarthy is identified
consistently as ``The Chairman.'' Senators who occasionally chaired
hearings in his absence, or chaired special subcommittees, are
identified by name. Brief editorial notes appear at the top of each
hearing to place the subject matter into historical context and to
indicate whether the witnesses later testified in public session.
Wherever possible, the witnesses' birth and death dates are noted. A
few explanatory footnotes have been added, although editorial intrusion
has been kept to a minimum. The subcommittee deposited all of the
original transcripts at the Center for Legislative Archives at the
National Archives and Records Administration, where they are now open
for research.
THE PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS
Following the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, the
Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program
(popularly known as the Truman committee, for its chairman,
Harry S. Truman) merged with the Committee on Expenditures in
the Executive Departments to become the Permanent Subcommittee
on Investigations. In 1953 the Committee on Executive
Expenditures was renamed the Committee on Government
Operations, and Senator Joseph R. McCarthy (1908-1957), who had
joined the committee in 1947, became chairman of both the
committee and its permanent subcommittee. Republicans won a
narrow majority during the Eighty-third Congress, and held only
a one-seat advantage over Democrats in the committee ratios.
The influx of new senators since World War II also meant that
except for the subcommittee's chairman and ranking member, all
other members were serving in their first terms. Senator
McCarthy had just been elected to his second term in 1952,
while the ranking Democrat, Arkansas Senator John L. McClellan
(1896-1977), had first been elected in 1942, and had chaired
the Government Operations Committee during the Eighty-first and
Eighty-second Congresses. The other members of the subcommittee
included Republicans Karl Mundt (1900-1974), Everett McKinley
Dirksen (1896-1969), and Charles E. Potter (1916-1979), and
Democrats Henry M. Jackson (1912-1983) and Stuart Symington
(1901-1988) \1\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ See Committee on Government Operations, 50th Anniversary
History, 1921-1971, 92nd Cong., 1st sess., S. Doc. 31 (Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1971).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
With senators serving multiple committee assignments, only
on rare occasions would the entire membership of any committee
or subcommittee attend a hearing. Normally, Senate committees
operated with a few senators present, with members coming and
going through a hearing depending on their conflicting
commitments. Unique circumstances developed in 1953 to allow
Senator McCarthy to be the sole senator present at many of the
subcommittee's hearings, particularly those held away from
Washington. In July 1953, a dispute over the chairman's ability
to hire staff without consultation caused the three Democrats
on the subcommittee to resign. They did not return until
January 1954. McCarthy and his staff also called hearings on
short notice, and often outside of Washington, which prevented
the other Republican senators from attending. Senators Everett
Dirksen and Charles Potter occasionally sent staff members to
represent them (and at times to interrogate witnesses). By
operating so often as a ``one-man committee,'' Senator McCarthy
gave witnesses the impression, as Harvard law school dean Erwin
Griswold observed, that they were facing a ``judge, jury,
prosecutor, castigator, and press agent, all in one.'' \2\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\2\ Erwin N. Griswold, The 5th Amendment Today (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1955), 67.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946 had created a
non-partisan professional staff for eachSenate committee.
Originally, staff worked for the committee as a whole and were not
divided by majority and minority. Chairman McCarthy inherited a small
staff from his predecessor, Clyde Hoey, a Democrat from North Carolina,
but a significant boost in appropriations enabled him to add many of
his own appointees. For chief counsel, McCarthy considered candidates
that included Robert Morris, counsel of the Internal Security
Subcommittee, Robert F. Kennedy, and John J. Sirica, but he offered the
job to Roy M. Cohn (1927-1986). The son of a New York State appellate
division judge, Cohn had been too young to take the bar exam when he
graduated from Columbia University Law School. A year later he became
assistant United States attorney on the day he was admitted to the bar.
In the U.S. attorney's office he took part in the prosecution of
William Remington, a former Commerce Department employee convicted of
perjury relating to his Communist party membership. Cohn also
participated in the prosecution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, and in
the trial of the top Communist party leaders in the United States. He
earned a reputation as a relentless questioner with a sharp mind and
retentive memory. In 1952, Cohn briefly served as special assistant to
Truman's attorney general, James McGranery, and prepared an indictment
for perjury against Owen Lattimore, the Johns Hopkins University
professor whom Senator McCarthy had accused of being a top Soviet
agent. Cohn's appointment also helped counteract the charges of
prejudice leveled against the anti-Communist investigations. (Indeed,
when he was informed that the B'nai B'rith was providing lawyers to
assist the predominantly Jewish engineers suspended from Fort Monmouth,
on the assumption of anti-Semitism, Cohn responded: ``Well, that is an
outrageous assumption. I am a member and an officer of B'nai B'rith.'')
In December 1952, McCarthy invited Cohn to become subcommittee counsel.
``You know, I'm going to be the chairman of the investigating committee
in the Senate. They're all trying to push me off the Communist issue .
. . ,'' Cohn recalled the senator telling him. ``The sensible thing for
me to do, they say, is start investigating the agriculture program or
find out how many books they've got bound upside down at the Library of
Congress. They want me to play it safe. I fought this Red issue. I won
the primary on it. I won the election on it, and don't see anyone else
around who intends to take it on. You can be sure that as chairman of
this committee this is going to be my work. And I want you to help
me.'' \3\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\3\ Washington Star, July 20, 1954; Roy Cohn, McCarthy (New York:
New American Library, 1968), 46.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
At twenty-six, Roy Cohn lacked any previous legislative
experience and tended to run hearings more like a prosecutor
before a grand jury, collecting evidence to make his case in
open session rather than to offer witnesses a full and fair
hearing. Republican Senator Karl Mundt, a veteran investigator
who had previously served on the House Un-American Activities
Committee, urged Cohn to call administrative officials who
could explain the policies and rationale of the government
agencies under investigation, and to keep the hearings
balanced, but Cohn felt disinclined to conduct an open forum.
Arrogant and brash, he alienated others on the staff, until
even Senator McCarthy admitted that putting ``a young man in
charge of other young men doesn't work out too well.'' Cohn's
youth further distanced him from most of the witnesses he
interrogated. Having reached maturity during the Cold War
rather than the Depression, he could not fathom a legitimate
reason for anyone having attended a meeting, signed a petition,
or contributed to an organization with any Communist
affiliation. In his memoirs, Cohn later recounted how a retired
university professor once told him ``that had I been born
twelve or fifteen years earlier my world-view and therefore my
character would have been very different.'' \4\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\4\ Ibid., 22; David F. Krugler, The Voice of America and the
Domestic Propaganda Battles, 1945-1953 (Columbia: University of
Missouri Press, 2000), 191.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
An indifferent administrator, Senator McCarthy gave his
counsel free rein to conduct investigations. In fact, he
appointed Cohn without having first removed the subcommittee's
previous chief counsel, Francis``Frip'' Flanagan. To remedy
this discrepancy, McCarthy changed Flanagan's title to general counsel,
although he never delineated any differences in authority. When a
reporter asked what these titles meant, McCarthy confessed that he did
not know. The subcommittee's chief clerk, Ruth Young Watt, found that
whenever a decision needed to be made, Cohn would say, ``Ask Frip,''
and Flanagan would reply, ``Ask Roy.'' ``In other words,'' she
explained, ``I'd just end up doing what I thought was right.'' \5\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\5\ Ruth Young Watt oral history, 109, Senate Historical Office.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The subcommittee held most of its hearings in room 357 of
the Senate Office Building (now named the Russell Senate Office
Building). Whenever it anticipated larger crowds for public
hearings, it would shift to room 318, the spacious Caucus Room
(now room 325), which better accommodated radio and television
coverage. In 1953 the subcommittee also held extensive hearings
in New York City, working out of the federal courthouse at
Foley Square and the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, while other
executive sessions took place at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, and
in Boston. Roy Cohn had recruited his close friend, G. David
Schine (1927-1996), as the subcommittee's unpaid ``chief
consultant.'' The two men declined to work out of the
subcommittee's crowded office--Cohn did not even have a desk
there. (``I don't have an office as such,'' Cohn later
testified. ``We have room 101 with 1 desk and 1 chair. That is
used jointly by Mr. Carr and myself. The person who gets there
first occupies the chair.'' \6\) Instead, Cohn and Schine
rented more spacious quarters for themselves in a nearby
private office building. When the subcommittee met in New York,
Schine made his family's limousine and suite at the Waldorf-
Astoria available for its use. As the subcommittee's only
unpaid staff member, he was not reimbursed for travel and other
expenses, including his much-publicized April 1953 tour with
Cohn of U.S. information libraries in Europe. In executive
sessions, Schine occasionally questioned witnesses and even
presided in Senator McCarthy's absence, with the chief counsel
addressing him as ``Mr. Chairman.'' Others on the staff,
including James Juliana and Daniel G. Buckley, similarly
conducted hearing-like interrogatories of witnesses. Schine
continued his associations with the subcommittee even after his
induction into the army that November--an event that triggered
the chairman's epic confrontation with the army the following
year.\7\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\6\ Special Subcommittee on Investigations, Special Senate
Investigation on Charges and Countercharges Involving: Secretary of the
Army Robert T. Stevens, John G. Adams, H. Struve Hensel and Senator Joe
McCarthy, Roy M. Cohn, and Francis P. Carr, 83rd Cong., 2nd sess., part
47 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1954), 1803.
\7\ Ruth Young Watt oral history, 107-108; 130; Washington Star,
January 1, 1953.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The hectic pace and controversial nature of the
subcommittee hearings during the Eighty-third Congress placed
great burdens on the staff and contributed to frequent
departures. Of the twelve staff members that McCarthy
inherited, only four remained by the end of the year--an
investigator and three clerks. Of the twenty-one new staff
added during 1953, six did not last the year. Research director
Howard Rushmore (1914-1958) resigned after four months, and
assistant counsel Robert Kennedy (1925-1968), after literally
coming to blows with Roy Cohn, resigned in August, telling the
chairman that the subcommittee was ``headed for disaster.''
(The following year, Kennedy returned as minority counsel.)
When Francis Flanagan left in June 1953, Senator McCarthy named
J. B. Matthews (1894-1966) as executive director, hoping that
the seasoned investigator would impose some order on the staff.
Matthews boasted of having joined more Communist-front
organizations than any other American, although he had never
joined the Communist party. When he fell out of favor with
radical groups in the mid-1930s, he converted into an outspoken
anti-Communist and served as chief investigator for the House
Un-American Activities Committee from 1939 to 1945. An ordained
Methodist minister, he was referred to as ``Doctor Matthews,''
although he held no doctoral degree. Just as McCarthy announced
his appointment to head the subcommittee staff in June
1953,Matthews's article on ``Reds in Our Churches'' appeared in the
American Mercury magazine. His portrayal of Communist sympathy among
the nation's Protestant clergy caused a public uproar, and Republican
Senator Charles Potter joined the three Democrats on the subcommittee
in calling for Matthews's dismissal. Although Matthews resigned
voluntarily, it was Senator McCarthy's insistence on maintaining the
sole power to hire and fire staff that caused the three Democratic
senators to resign from the subcommittee, while retaining their
membership in the full Government Operations Committee. Senator
McCarthy then appointed Francis P. Carr, Jr. (1925-1994) as executive
director, with Roy Cohn continuing as chief counsel to direct the
investigation.\8\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\8\ G. F. Goodwin, ``Joseph Brown Matthews,'' Dictionary of
American Biography, Supplement 8 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons,
1988), 424-27; Lawrence B. Glickman, ``The Strike in the Temple of
Consumption: Consumer Activitism and Twentieth-Century American
Political Culture,'' Journal of American History, 88 (June 2001), 99-
128; Robert F. Kennedy, The Enemy Within (New York: Harper & Brothers,
1960), 176.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE RIGHTS OF WITNESSES
In their hunt for subversion and espionage, Senator
McCarthy and chief counsel Cohn conducted hearings on the State
Department, the Voice of America, the U.S. overseas libraries,
the Government Printing Office, and the Army Signal Corps.
Believing any method justifiable in combating an international
conspiracy, they grilled witnesses intensely. Senator McCarthy
showed little patience for due process and defined witnesses'
constitutional rights narrowly. His hectoring style inspired
the term ``McCarthyism,'' which came to mean ``any
investigation that flouts the rights of individuals,'' usually
involving character assassination, smears, mudslinging,
sensationalism, and guilt by association. ``McCarthyism''--
coined by the Washington Post cartoonist Herblock, in 1950--
grew so universally accepted that even Senator McCarthy
employed it, redefining it as ``the fight for America.''
Subsequently, the term has been applied collectively to all
congressional investigations of suspected Communists, including
those by the House Un-American Activities Committee and Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee, which bore no direct relation
to the permanent subcommittee.\9\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\9\ William Safire, Safire's New Political Dictionary: The
Definitive Guide to the New Language of Politics (New York: Random
House, 1993), 441; Senator Joe McCarthy, McCarthyism: The Fight for
America (New York: Devin-Adair, 1952).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
In these closed executive sessions, Senator McCarthy's
treatment of witnesses ranged from abrasive to solicitous. The
term ``executive sessions'' derives from the Senate's division
of its business between legislative (bills and resolutions) and
executive (treaties and nominations). Until 1929 the Senate
debated all executive business in closed session, clearing the
public and press galleries, and locking the doors.
``Executive'' thereby became synonymous with ``closed.''
Committees held closed sessions to conduct preliminary
inquiries, to mark up bills before reporting them to the floor,
and to handle routine committee housekeeping. By hearing
witnesses privately, the permanent subcommittee could avoid
incidents of misidentification and could determine how
forthcoming witnesses were likely to be in public. In the case
of McCarthy, however, ``executive session'' took a different
meaning. John G. Adams, who attended many of these hearings as
the army's counsel from 1953 to 1954, observed that the
chairman used the term ``executive session'' rather loosely.
``It didn't really mean a closed session, since McCarthy
allowed in various friends, hangers-on, and favored newspaper
reporters,'' wrote Adams. ``Nor did it mean secret, because
afterwards McCarthy would tell the reporters waiting outside
whatever he pleased. Basically, `executive' meant that Joe
could do anything he wanted.'' Adams recalled that the
subcommittee's Fort Monmouth hearings were held in a
``windowless storage room in the bowels of the courthouse,
unventilated and oppressively hot,'' into which crowded
thesenator, his staff, witnesses, and observers who at various times
included trusted newspaper reporters, the governor of Wisconsin, the
chairman's wife, mother-in-law and friends. ``The `secret' hearings
were, after all, quite a show,'' Adams commented, adding that the
transcripts were rarely released to the public. This ostensibly
protected the privacy of those interrogated, but also gave the chairman
an opportunity to give to the press his version of what had transpired
behind closed doors, with little chance of rebuttal.\10\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\10\ John G. Adams, Without Precedent: The Story of the Death of
McCarthyism (New York: W. W. Norton, 1983), 53, 60, 66.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Roy Cohn insisted that the subcommittee gave ``suspects''
rights that they would not get in a court of law. Unlike a
witness before a grand jury, or testifying on the stand, those
facing the subcommittee could have their attorney sit beside
them for consultation. The executive sessions further protected
the witnesses, Cohn pointed out, by excluding the press and the
public. But Gen. Telford Taylor, an American prosecutor at
Nuremberg, charged McCarthy with conducting ``a new and
indefensible kind of hearing, which is neither a public hearing
nor an executive session.'' In Taylor's view, the closed
sessions were a device that enabled the chairman to tell
newspapers whatever he saw fit about what happened, without
giving witnesses a chance to defend themselves or reporters a
chance to check the accuracy of the accusations.
Characteristically, Senator McCarthy responded to this
criticism with an executive session inquiry into Gen. Taylor's
loyalty. The chairman used other hearings to settle personal
scores with men such as Edward Barrett, State Department press
spokesman under Dean Acheson, and Edward Morgan, staff director
of the Tydings subcommittee that had investigated his Wheeling
speech.\11\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\11\ Cohn, McCarthy, 51; C. Dickerman Williams, ``The Duty to
Investigate,'' The Freeman, 3 (September 21, 1953), 919; New York
Times, November 28, 1953.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Inclusion as a witness in these volumes in no way suggests
a measure of guilt. Some of the witnesses who came before the
permanent subcommittee in 1953 had been Communists; others had
not. Some witnesses cooperated by providing names and other
information; others did not. Some testified on subjects
entirely unrelated to communism, subversion or espionage. The
names of many of these witnesses appeared in contemporary
newspaper accounts, even when they did not testify in public.
About a third of the witnesses called in executive session did
not appear at any public hearing, and Senator McCarthy often
defined such witnesses as having been ``cleared.'' Some were
called as witnesses out of mistaken identity. Others defended
themselves so resolutely or had so little evidence against them
that the chairman and counsel chose not to pursue them. For
those witnesses who did appear in public, the closed hearings
served as dress rehearsals. The subcommittee also heard many
witnesses in public session who had not previously appeared at
a closed hearing, usually committee staff or government
officials for whom a preliminary hearing was not deemed
necessary. Given the rapid pace of the hearings, the
subcommittee staff had little time for preparation. ``No real
research was ever done,'' Robert Kennedy complained. ``Most of
the investigations were instituted on the basis of some
preconceived notion by the chief counsel or his staff members
and not on the basis of any information that had been
developed.'' \12\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\12\ Kennedy, The Enemy Within, 307.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
After July 1953, when the Democratic senators resigned from
the subcommittee, other Republican senators also stopped
attending the subcommittee's closed hearings, in part because
so many of the hearings were held away from the District of
Columbia and called on short notice. Witnesses also received
subpoenas on such short notice that they found it hard to
prepare themselves or consult with counsel. Theoretically the
committee, rather than the chairman, issued subpoenas, Army
Counsel John G. Adams noted. ``But McCarthy ignored the Senate
rule that required a vote of the other members every time he
wanted to haul someone in.He signed scores of blank subpoenas
which his staff members carried in their inside pockets, and issued as
regularly as traffic tickets.'' Witnesses repeatedly complained that
subpoenas to appear were served on them just before the hearings,
either the night before or the morning of, making it hard for them to
obtain legal representation. Even if they obtained a lawyer, the
senator would not permit attorneys to raise objections or to talk for
the witness. Normally, a quorum of at least one-third of the committee
or subcommittee members was needed to take sworn testimony, although a
single senator could hold hearings if authorized by the committee. The
rules did not bar ``one-man hearings,'' because senators often came and
went during a committee hearing and committee business could come to a
halt if a minimum number of senators were required to hold a
hearing.\13\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\13\ Adams, Without Precedent, 67, 69.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
When the chairman acted as a one-man committee, the tone of
the hearings more closely resembled an inquisition. Witnesses
who swore that they had never joined the Communist party or
engaged in espionage or sabotage were held accountable for
long-forgotten petitions they had signed a decade earlier or
for having joined organizations that the attorney general later
cited as Communist fronts. Seeking any sign of political
unorthodoxy, the chairman and the subcommittee staff
scrutinized the witnesses' lives and grilled them about the
political beliefs of colleagues, neighbors and family members.
In the case of Stanley Berinsky, he was suspended from the Army
Signal Corps at Fort Monmouth after security officers
discovered that his mother had once been a member of the
Communist party:
The Chairman. Let's get this straight. I know it is unusual
to appear before a committee. So many witnesses get nervous.
You just got through telling us you did not know she was a
Communist; now you tell us she resigned from the Communist
party? As of when?
Mr. Berinsky. I didn't know this until the security
suspension came up at Fort Monmouth.
The Chairman. When was that?
Mr. Berinsky. That was in 1952.
The Chairman. Then did your mother come over and tell you
she had resigned?
Mr. Berinsky. I told her what happened. At that time she
told me she had been out for several years.
The Chairman. . . . Well, did you ever ask her if she was a
Communist?
Mr. Berinsky. No, sir. . . .
The Chairman. When you went to see her, weren't you
curious? If somebody told me my mother was a Communist, I'd get
on the phone and say, ``Mother is this true''? . . .
Did she tell you why she resigned?
Mr. Berinsky. If seems to me she probably did it because I
held a government job and she didn't want to jeopardize my
position.
The Chairman. In other words, it wasn't because she felt
differently about the Communist party, but because she didn't
want to jeopardize your position?
Mr. Berinsky. Probably.
The Chairman. Was she still a Communist at heart in 1952?
Mr. Berinsky. Well, I don't know how you define that.
The Chairman. Do you think she was a Communist, using your
own definition of communism?
Mr. Berinsky. I guess my own definition is one who is a
member of the party. No.
The Chairman. Let's say one who was a member and dropped
out and is still loyal to the party. Taking that as a
definition, would you say she is still a Communist?
Mr. Berinsky. Do you mean in an active sense?
The Chairman. Loyal in her mind.
Mr. Berinsky. That is hard to say.
The Chairman. Is she still living?
Mr. Berinsky. Yes.\14\
\14\ Executive session transcript, November 5, 1953.
Perhaps the most recurring phrase in these executive
session hearings was not the familiar ``Are you now or have you
ever been a member of the Communist party?'' That was the
mantra of the public hearings. Instead, in the closed hearings
it was ``In other words,'' which prefaced the chairman's
relentless rephrasing of witnesses' testimony into something
with more sinister implications than they intended. Given
Senator McCarthy's tendency toward hyperbole, witnesses
objected to his use of inappropriate or inflammatory words to
characterize their testimony. He took their objections as a
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
sign they were covering up something:
The Chairman. Did you live with him when the apartment was
raided by army security?
Mr. Okun. Senator, the apartment was not raided. He had
been called and asked whether he would let them search it. . .
The Chairman. You seem to shy off at the word ``raided.''
When the army security men go over and make a complete search
of the apartment and find forty-three classified documents, to
me that means ``raided.'' You seem, both today and the other
day to be going out of your way trying to cover up for this man
Coleman.
Mr. Okun. No, sir. I do not want to cover up anything.\15\
\15\ Executive session transcript, October 23, 1953.
A few of those who appeared before the subcommittee later
commented that the chairman was less intimidating in private
than his public behavior had led them to expect. ``Many of us
have formed an impression of McCarthy from the now familiar
Herblock caricatures. He is by no means grotesque,'' recalled
Martin Merson, who clashed with the senator over the Voice of
America. ``McCarthy, the relaxed dinner guest, is a charming
man with the friendliest of smiles.'' McCarthy's sometimes
benign treatment of witnesses in executive session may have
been a tactic intended to lull them into false complacency
before his more relentless questioning in front of the
television cameras, which certainly seemed to bring out the
worst in him. Ruth Young Watt (1910-1996), the subcommittee's
chief clerk from 1948 until her retirement in 1979, regarded
the chairman as ``a very kind man, very thoughtful of people
working with him,'' but a person who would ``get off on a
tirade sometimes'' in public hearings.\16\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\16\ Martin Merson, The Private Diary of a Public Servant (New
York: Macmillan, 1955), 83; Ruth Watt oral history, 140.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Senator McCarthy regularly informed witnesses of their
right to decline to answer if they felt an answer might
incriminate them, but he interpreted their refusal to answer a
question as an admission of guilt. He also encouraged
government agencies and private corporations to fire anyone who
took the Fifth Amendment before a congressional committee. When
witnesses also attempted to cite their First Amendment rights,
the chairman warned that they would be cited for contempt of
Congress. Although the chairman pointed out that membership in
the Communist party was not a crime, many witnesses declined to
admit their past connections to the party to avoid having to
name others with whom they were associated. Some witnesses
wanted to argue that the subcommittee had no right to question
their political beliefs, but their attorneys advised them that
it would be more prudent to decline to answer. During 1953,
some seventy witnesses before the subcommittee invoked the
Fifth Amendment and declined to answer questions concerning
Communist activities. Five refused to answer on the basis of
the First Amendment, two claimed marital privileges, and
Harvard Professor Wendell Furry invoked no constitutional
grounds for his failure toanswer questions.\17\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\17\ Annual Report of the Committee on Government Operations Made
by its Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, 83rd Cong., 2nd
sess., S. Rept. 881 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,
1954), 10-14; see also Griswold, The 5th Amendment Today, and Victor S.
Navasky, Naming Names (New York: Viking Press, 1980).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Some witnesses invoked the Fifth Amendment to avoid
implicating those they knew to be Communists. Other invoked the
Fifth Amendment as a blanket response to any questions about
the Communist party, after being warned by their attorneys that
if they answered questions about themselves they could be
compelled to name their associates. In the case of Rogers v.
U.S. (1951) the Supreme Court had ruled that a witness could
not refuse to answer questions simply out of a ``desire to
protect others from punishment, much less to protect another
from interrogation by a grand jury.'' The Justice Department
applied the same reasoning to witnesses who refused to identify
others to a congressional committee. Since the questions were
relevant to the operation of the government, the department
assured Senator McCarthy that it was his right as a
congressional investigator to order witnesses to answer
questions about whether they know any Communists who might be
working in the government or in defense plants.\18\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\18\ Assistant Attorney General Warren Olney, III to Senator Joseph
R. McCarthy, July 7, 1954, full text in the executive session
transcript for July 15, 1954.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Senator McCarthy explained to witnesses that they could
take the Fifth Amendment only if they were concerned that
telling the truth would incriminate them, a reasoning that
redefined the right against self-incrimination as incriminating
in itself. Calling them ``Fifth-Amendment Communists,'' he
insisted that ``an innocent man does not need the Fifth
Amendment.'' At a public hearing, the chairman pressed one
witness: ``Are you declining, among other reasons, for the
reason that you are relying upon that section of the Fifth
Amendment which provides that no person may be a witness
against himself if he feels that his testimony might tend to
incriminate him? If you are relying upon that, you can tell me.
If not, of course, you are ordered to answer. A Communist and
espionage agent has the right to refuse on that ground, but not
on any of the other grounds you cited.'' \19\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\19\ Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, Army Signal Corps--
Subversion and Espionage, 83rd Cong., 1st sess. (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1954), 153, 299-300.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Federal court rulings had given congressional investigators
considerable leeway to operate. In the aftermath of the Teapot
Dome investigation, the Supreme Court ruled in McGrain v.
Daugherty (1927) that a committee could subpoena anyone to
testify, including private citizens who were neither government
officials nor employees. In Sinclair v. U.S. (1929), the
Supreme Court recognized the right of Congress to investigate
anything remotely related to its legislative and oversight
functions. The court also upheld the Smith Act of 1940, which
made it illegal to advocate overthrowing the U.S. government by
force or violence. In 1948 the Justice Department prosecuted
twelve Communist leaders for having conspired to organize ``as
a society, group and assembly of persons who teach and advocate
the overthrow and destruction of the Government of the United
States by force and violence.'' Upholding their convictions, in
Dennis v. U.S. (1951), the Supreme Court denied that their
prosecution had violated the First Amendment, on the grounds
that the government's power to prevent an armed rebellion
subordinated free speech. During the next six years 126
individuals were indicted solely for being members of the
Communist party. The Mundt-Nixon Act of 1950 further barred
Communist party members from employment in defense
installations, denied them passports, and required them to
register with the Subversive Activities Control Board. In
Rogers v. U.S. (1951) the Supreme Court declared that a witness
who had testified that she was treasurer of a localCommunist
party and had possession of its records could not claim the Fifth
Amendment when asked to whom she gave those records. Her initial
admission had waived her right to invoke her privilege and she was
guilty of contempt for failing to answer.
Not until after Senator McCarthy's investigations had
ceased did the Supreme Court change direction on the rights of
congressional witnesses, in three sweeping decisions handed
down on June 17, 1957. In Yates v. U.S. the court overturned
the convictions of fourteen Communist party members under the
Smith Act, finding that organizing a Communist party was not
synonymous with advocating the overthrow of the government by
force and violence. As a result, the Justice Department stopped
seeking further indictments under the Smith Act. In Watkins v.
U.S., the court specified that an investigating committee must
demonstrate a legislative purpose to justify probing into
private affairs, and ruled that public education was an
insufficient reason to force witnesses to answer questions
under the penalty of being held in contempt. These rulings
confirmed that the Bill of Rights applied to anyone subpoenaed
by a congressional committee.\20\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\20\ Arthur J. Sabin, In Calmer Times: The Supreme Court and Red
Monday (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 11, 39,
55-57, 154-55, 167-68.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
If witnesses refused to cooperate, the chairman threatened
them with indictment and incarceration. At the end of his first
year as chairman, he advised one witness: ``During the course
of these hearings, I think up to this time we have some--this
is just a rough guess--twenty cases we submitted to the grand
jury, either for perjury or for contempt before this committee.
Do not just assume that your name was pulled out of a hat.
Before you were brought here, we make a fairly thorough and
complete investigation. So I would like to strongly advise you
to either tell the truth or, if you think the truth will
incriminate you, then you are entitled to refuse to answer. I
cannot urge that upon you too strongly. I have given that
advice to other people here before the committee. They thought
they were smarter than our investigators. They will end up in
jail. This is not a threat; this is just friendly advice I am
giving you. Do you understand that?'' In the end, however, no
witness who appeared before the subcommittee during his
chairmanship was imprisoned for perjury, contempt, espionage,
or subversion. Several witnesses were tried for contempt, and
some were convicted, but each case was overturned on
appeal.\21\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\21\ Executive session transcript, December 15, 1953.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
AREA OF INVESTIGATION
Following the tradition of the Permanent Subcommittee on
Investigations, the first executive session hearings in 1953
dealt with influence peddling, an outgrowth of an investigation
begun in the previous Congress. Senator McCarthy absented
himself from most of the influence-peddling hearings and left
Senator Karl Mundt or Senator John McClellan, the ranking
Republican and Democrat on the Government Operations Committee,
to preside in his place. But the chairman made subversion and
espionage his sole mission. On the day that the subcommittee
launched a new set of hearings on influence peddling, it began
hearings on the State Department's filing system, whose
byzantine complexity Senator McCarthy attributed to either
Communist infiltration of gross incompetence.
With the State Department investigation, Senator McCarthy
returned to familiar territory. His Wheeling speech in 1950 had
accused the department of harboring known Communists. The
senator demanded that the State Department open its ``loyalty
files,'' and then complained that it provided only ``skinny-
ribbed bones of the files,'' ``skeleton files,'' ``purged
files,'' and ``phony files.'' The chairman's interest was
naturally piqued in 1953 when State Department security officer
John E. Matson reported irregularitiesin the department's
filing system, and charged that personnel files had been ``looted'' of
derogatory information in order to protect disloyal individuals.
Although State Department testimony suggested that its system had been
designed to protect the rights of employees in matters of career
evaluation and promotion, Senator McCarthy contended that there had
been a conspiracy to manipulate the files.\22\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\22\ Robert Griffith, The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and
the Senate (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1970), 90-93;
``The Raided Files,'' Newsweek (February 16, 1953), 28-29.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
A brief investigation of homosexuals as security risks also
grew out of previous inquiries. In 1950, Senator McCarthy
denounced ``those Communists and queers who have sold 400
million Asiatic people into atheistic slavery and have American
people in a hypnotic trance, headed blindly toward the same
precipice.'' He often laced his speeches with references to
``powder puff diplomacy,'' and accused his opponents of
``softness'' toward communism. ``Why is it that wherever it is
in the world that our State Department touches the red-hot
aggression of Soviet communism there is heard a sharp cry of
pain--a whimper of confusion and fear? . . . Why must we be
forced to cringe in the face of communism?'' By contrast, he
portrayed himself in masculine terms: in rooting out communism
he ``had to do a bare-knuckle job or suffer the same defeat
that a vast number of well-meaning men have suffered over past
years. It has been a bare-knuckle job. As long as I remain in
the Senate it will continue as a bare-knuckle job.'' The
subcommittee had earlier responded to Senator McCarthy's
complaint that the State Department had reinstated homosexuals
suspended for moral turpitude with an investigation in 1950
that produced a report on the Employment of Homosexuals and
Other Sex Perverts in Government. The report had concluded that
homosexuals' vulnerability to blackmail made them security
risks and therefore ``not suitable for Government positions.''
\23\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\23\ New York Times, April 21, 1950; Congressional Record, 81st
Cong., 2nd sess., A7249, A3426-28; Committee on Expenditures in the
Executive Departments, Subcommittee on Investigations, Employment of
Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Government, 81st Cong., 2nd sess
(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1950), 4-5, 19.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The closed hearings shifted to two subsidiaries of the
State Department, the Voice of America and the U.S. information
libraries, which had come under the department's jurisdiction
following World War II. Dubious about mixing foreign policy and
propaganda, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles viewed the
Voice of America as an unwanted appendage and was not
unsympathetic to some housecleaning. It was not long, however,
before the Eisenhower administration began to worry that
McCarthy's effort to clean out the ``left-wing debris'' was
disrupting its own efforts to reorganize the government.
Senator McCarthy also looked into allegations of Communist
literature on the shelves of the U.S. Information Agency
libraries abroad. Rather than call the officials who
administered the libraries, the subcommittee subpoenaed the
authors of the books in question, along with scholars and
artists who traveled abroad on Fulbright scholarships. These
witnesses became innocent bystanders in the cross-fire between
the subcommittee and the administration as the senator expanded
his inquiry from examinations of files and books to issues of
espionage and sabotage, warning audiences: ``This is the era of
the Armageddon--that final all-out battle between light and
darkness foretold in the Bible.'' Zealousness in the search for
subversives made the senator unwilling to accept bureaucratic
explanations on such matters as personnel files and loyalty
board procedures in the State Department, the Government
Printing Office, and the U.S. Army.\24\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\24\ ``Battle Unjoined,'' Newsweek (March 23, 1953), 28; Newsweek
(April 27, 1953), 34; Address to the Sons of the American Revolution,
May 15, 1950, Congressional Record, 81st Cong., 2nd sess., A3787.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Many of McCarthy's investigations began with a flurry of
publicity and then faded away. Richard Rovere, who covered the
subcommittee's hearings for the New Yorker, observed that
investigation of the Voice of America was never completed. ``It
just stopped--its largest possibilities for tumult had
beenexhausted, and it trailed off into nothingness.'' \25\ Before
completing one investigation, the subcommittee would have launched
another. The hectic pace of hearings and the large number of witnesses
it called strained the subcommittee's staff resources. Counsels coped
by essentially asking the same questions of all witnesses. ``For the
most part you wouldn't have time to do all your homework on that, we
didn't have a big staff,'' commented chief clerk Ruth Watt. As a
result, the subcommittee occasionally subpoenaed the wrong individuals,
and used the closed hearings to winnow out cases of mistaken identity.
Some of those who were subpoenaed failed to appear. As Roy Cohn
complained of the authors whose books had appeared in overseas
libraries, ``we subpoena maybe fifty and five show up.'' \26\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\25\ Richard Rovere, Senator Joe McCarthy, (New York: Harcourt,
Brace, 1959), 159.
\26\ Ruth Young Watt oral history, 128.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
When Senator McCarthy was preoccupied or uninterested in
the subject matter, other senators would occasionally chair the
hearings. Senator Charles Potter, for example, chaired a series
of hearings on Korean War atrocities whose style, demeanor, and
treatment of witnesses contrasted sharply with those that
Senator McCarthy conducted; they are included in these volumes
as a point of reference. Other hearings that stood apart in
tone and substance concerned the illegal trade with the
People's Republic of China, an investigation staffed by
assistant counsel Robert F. Kennedy.\27\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\27\ Gerald J. Bryan, ``Joseph McCarthy, Robert Kennedy, and the
Greek Shipping Crisis: A Study of Foreign Policy Rhetoric,''
Presidential Studies Quarterly, 24 (Winter 1994), 93-104.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The subcommittee's investigations exposed examples of lax
security in government agencies and defense contractors, but
they failed to substantiate the chairman's accusations of
subversion and espionage. Critics accused Senator McCarthy of
gross exaggerations, of conducting ``show trials'' rather than
fact-finding inquiries, of being careless and indifferent about
evidence, of treating witnesses cavalierly and of employing
irresponsible tactics. Indeed, the chairman showed no qualms
about using raw investigative files as evidence. His
willingness to break the established rules encouraged some
security officers and federal investigators to leak
investigative files to the subcommittee that they were
constrained by agency policy from revealing. Rather than lead
to the high-level officials he had expected to find, the leaked
security files shifted his attention to lower-level civil
servants. Since these civil servants lacked the freedom to
fight back in the political arena, they became ``easier targets
to bully.'' \28\ Even Roy Cohn conceded that McCarthy invited
much of the criticism ``with his penchant for the dramatic,''
and ``by making statements that could be construed as promising
too much.'' \29\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\28\ Earl Latham, The Communist Controversy in Washington, From the
New Deal to McCarthy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), 323,
349-54; John Earl Haynes, Red Scare or Red Menance? American Communism
and Anticommunism in the Cold War Era (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1996),
147, 154.
\29\ Cohn, McCarthy, 94-95.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Having predicted to the press that his inquiry into
conditions at Fort Monmouth would uncover espionage, Senator
McCarthy willingly accepted circumstantial evidence as grounds
for the dismissal of an employee from government-related
service. The subcommittee's dragnet included a number of
perplexed witnesses who had signed a nominating petition years
earliers, belonged to a union whose leadership included alleged
Communists, bought an insurance policy through an organization
later designated a Communist front organization, belonged to a
Great Books club that read Karl Marx among other authors, had
once dated a Communist, had relatives who were Communists, or
simply had the same name as a Communist. Thosewitnesses against
whom strong evidence of Communist activities existed tended to be
involved in labor organizing--hardly news since the Congress of
Industrial Organizations (CIO) had already expelled such unions as the
Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists and Technicians and the
United Electrical Workers, whom McCarthy investigated. Those witnesses
who named names of Communists with whom they had associated invariably
described union activities, and none corroborated any claims of
subversion and espionage.
Critics questioned Senator McCarthy's sincerity as a
Communist hunter, citing his penchant for privately embracing
those whom he publicly attacked; others considered him a
classic conspiracy theorist. Once he became convinced of the
existence of a conspiracy, nothing could dissuade him. He
exhibited impatience with those who saw things differently,
interpreted mistakes as deliberate actions, and suspected his
opponents of being part of the larger conspiracy. He would not
entertain alternative explanations and stood contemptuous of
doubters. A lack of evidence rarely deterred him or undermined
his convictions. If witnesses disagreed on the facts, someone
had to be lying. The Fort Monmouth investigation, for instance,
had been spurred by reports of information from the Army Signal
Corps laboratories turning up in Eastern Europe. Since Julius
Rosenberg had worked at Fort Monmouth, McCarthy and Cohn were
convinced that other Communist sympathizers were still
supplying secrets to the enemy. But the Soviet Union had been
an ally during the Second World War, and during that time had
openly designated representatives at the laboratories, making
espionage there superfluous. Nevertheless, McCarthy's pursuit
of a spy ring caused officials at Fort Monmouth to suspend
forty-two civilian employees. After the investigations, all but
two were reinstated in their former jobs.
Not until January 1954, did the remaining subcommittee
members adopt rules changes that Democrats had demanded, and
Senators McClellan, Jackson and Symington resumed their
membership on the subcommittee. These rules changes removed the
chairman's exclusive authority over staffing, and gave the
minority members the right to hire their own counsel. Whenever
the minority was unanimously opposed to holding a public
hearing, the issue would go to the full committee to determine
by majority vote. Also in 1954, the Republican Policy Committee
proposed rules changes that would require a quorum to be
present to hold hearings, and would prohibit holding hearings
outside of the District of Columbia or taking confidential
testimony unless authorized by a majority of committee members.
In 1955 the Permanent Subcommittee adopted rules similar to
those the Policy Committee recommended.\30\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\30\ New York Times, July 11, 19, 1953, January 24, 26, 27, 1954;
Congressional Record, 83rd Cong., 2nd sess, 2970.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Following the Army-McCarthy hearings of 1954, the Senate
censured Senator McCarthy in December 1954 for conduct
unbecoming of a senator. Court rulings in subsequent years had
a significant impact on later congressional investigations by
strengthening the rights of witnesses. Later in the 1950s,
members and staff of the Permanent Subcommittee on
Investigations joined with the Senate Labor and Public Welfare
Committee to form a special committee to investigate labor
racketeering, with Robert F. Kennedy as chief counsel.
Conducted in a more bipartisan manner and respectful of the
rights of witnesses, their successes helped to reverse the
negative image of congressional investigations fostered by
Senator McCarthy's freewheeling investigatory style.
Donald A. Ritchie,
Senate Historical Office.
SUBCOMMITTEE STAFF IN JANUARY 1953
Francis D. Flanagan, chief counsel (July 1, 1945 to June 30,
1953)
Gladys E. Montier, assistant clerk (July 1, 1945 to November
15, 1953)
Ruth Young Watt, chief clerk (February 10, 1947 to May 31,
1979)
Jerome S. Adlerman, assistant counsel (July 1, 1947 to August
3, 1953)
James E. Sheridan, investigator (July 1, 1947 to December 3,
1953)
Robert J. McElroy, investigator (April 1, 1948 to April 24,
1955)
James H. Thomas, assistant counsel (January 19, 1949 to
February 15, 1953)
Howell J. Hatcher, chief assistant counsel (March 15, 1949 to
April 15, 1953)
Edith H. Anderson, assistant clerk (January 26, 1951 to
February 9, 1957)
William A. Leece, assistant counsel (March 14, 1951 to March
16, 1953)
Martha Rose Myers, assistant clerk (April 5, 1951 to July 31,
1953)
Nina W. Sutton, assistant clerk (April 1, 1952 to January 31,
1955)
SUBCOMMITTEE STAFF APPOINTED IN 1953-1954
Roy M. Cohn, chief counsel (January 15, 1953 to August 13,
1954)
Robert F. Kennedy, assistant counsel (January 15, 1953 to
August 31, 1953), chief counsel to the minority
(February 23, 1954 to January 3, 1955)
Donald A. Surine, assistant counsel (January 22, 1953 to July
19, 1954)
Marbeth A. Miller, research clerk (February 1, 1953 to July 31,
1954)
Herbert Hawkins, investigator (February 1, 1953 to November 15,
1954)
Daniel G. Buckley, assistant counsel (February 1, 1953 to
February 28, 1955)
Aileen Lawrence, assistant clerk (February 1, 1953 to September
15, 1953)
Thomas W. LaVenia, assistant counsel, (February 16, 1953 to
February 28, 1955)
Donald F. O'Donnell, assistant counsel (March 16, 1953 to
September 30, 1954)
Pauline S. Lattimore, assistant clerk (March 16, 1953 to
September 30, 1954)
Christian E. Rogers, Jr., assistant counsel (March 16, 1953 to
August 21, 1953)
Howard Rushmore, research director (April 1, 1953 to July 12,
1953)
Christine Winslow, assistant clerk (April 2, 1953 to May 15,
1953)
Rosemary Engle, assistant clerk (May 25, 1953 to March 15,
1955)
Joseph B. Matthews, executive director (June 22, 1953 to July
18, 1953)
Mary E. Morrill, assistant clerk (June 24, 1953 to November 15,
1954)
Ann M. Grickis, assistant chief clerk (July 1, 1953 to January
31, 1954)
Francis P. Carr, Jr., executive director (July 16, 1953 to
October 31, 1954)
Karl H. Baarslag, research director (July 16, 1953 to September
30, 1953), (November 2, 1954 to November 17, 1954)
Frances P. Mims, assistant clerk (July 16, 1953 to December 31,
1954)
James M. Juliana, investigator (September 8, 1953 to October
12, 1958)
C. George Anastos, assistant counsel (September 21, 1953 to
February 28, 1955)
Maxine B. Buffalohide, assistant clerk (November 19, 1953 to
October 15, 1954)
Thomas J. Hurley, Jr., investigator (November 19, 1953 to
December 15, 1953)
Margaret W. Duckett, assistant clerk (November 23, 1953 to
October 15, 1954)
Charles A. Tracy, investigator (March 1, 1954 to February 28,
1955)
LaVern J. Duffy, investigator (March 19, 1954 to February 28,
1955)
Ray H. Jenkins, special counsel (April 14, 1954 to July 31,
1954)
Solis Horwitz, assistant counsel (April 14, 1954 to June 30,
1954)
Thomas R. Prewitt, assistant counsel (April 14, 1954 to June
30, 1954)
Charles A. Maner, secretary (April 14, 1954 to July 31, 1954)
Robert A. Collier, investigator (April 14, 1954 to May 31,
1954)
Regina R. Roman, research assistant (July 15, 1954 to February
28, 1955)
ACCOUNTS BY PARTICIPANTS
Adams, John G. Without Precedent: The Story of the Death of
McCarthyism. New York: Random House, 1983.
Cohn, Roy. McCarthy. New York: New American Library, 1968.
Ewald, William Bragg, Jr. Who Killed Joe McCarthy? New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1984.
Merson, Martin. The Private Diary of a Public Servant. New
York: Macmillan, 1955.
Potter, Charles E. Days of Shame. New York: Coward-McCann,
1965.
Rabinowitz, Victor. Unrepentent Leftist: A Lawyer's
Memoirs. Urbana: University of Illinois, 1996.
Watt, Ruth Young. Oral History Interview, Senate Historical
Office, 1979.
ACCOUNTS BY WITNESSES
Aptheker, Herbert, ``An Autobiographical Note,'' Journal of
American History, 87 (June 2002), 147-71.
Aronson, James. The Press and the Cold War. Boston: Beacon
Press. 1970.
Belfrage, Cedric. The American Inquisition, 1945-1960: A
Profile of the ``McCarthy Era.'' New York: Thunder's Mouth
Press, 1989. Reprint of 1973 edition.
Copland, Aaron and Vivian Perlis. Copland Since 1943. New
York: St. Martin's Press, 1989.
DuBois, Rachel Davis with Coran Okorodudu. All This and
Something More: Pioneering in Intercultural Education: An
Autobiography. Bryn Mawr, Penn.: Dorrance & Company, 1984.
Fast, Howard. Being Red. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1990.
Fast, Howard. The Naked God: the Writer and the Communist
Party. New York: Praeger, 1957.
Kaghan, Theodore. ``The McCarthyization of Theodore
Kaghan.'' The Reporter, 9 (July 21, 1953).
Kent, Rockwell. It's Me O Lord: The Autobiography of
Rockwell Kent. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1955.
Lamb, Edward. ``Trial by Battle'': The Case History of a
Washington Witch-Hunt. Santa Barbara, Calif.: Center for the
Study of Democratic Institutions, 1964.
Mandel, Bill. Saying No to Power. Berkeley, Calif.:
Creative Arts Book Company, 1999.
Matusow, Harvey. False Witness. New York: Cameron & Kahn,
1955.
O'Connor, Jessie Lloyd, Harvey O'Connor, and Susan M.
Bowler. Harvey and Jessie: A Couple of Radicals. Philadelphia:
Temple University Press, 1988.
Seaver, Edwin. So Far So Good: Recollections of a Life in
Publishing. Westport, Conn.: Lawrence Hill, 1986.
Seldes, George. Witness to a Century: Encounters with the
Noted, the Notorious, and Three SOBs. New York: Ballantine,
1987.
Service, John S. The Amerasia Papers: Some Problems in the
History of U.S.-China Relations. Berkeley: Center for Chinese
Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1971.
Webster, Margaret. Don't Put Your Daughter on the Stage.
New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972.
Wechsler, James A. The Age of Suspicion. New York: Random
House, 1953.
Weyl, Nathaniel. The Battle Against Democracy. New York:
Thomas Y. Crowell, 1951.
WITNESSES WHO TESTIFIED IN EXECUTIVE SESSION, 1953
Ackerman, Lester
Adams, John
Aguimbau, Lawrence
Alfred, Benjamin
Allen, Jacob W.
Amen, John H.
Andrews, T. Coleman
Antell, Louis
Archdeacon, Henry Canning
Arnot, Charles P.
Aronson, James
Arrigo, Augustin
Arsenault, Jean A.
Auberjonois, Fernand
Auerbach, Sol (James S. Allen)
Austin, Clyde
Ayers, Stuart
Ayman, David
Back, Maj. Gen. George I.
Balog, Helen B.
Barrett, Edward W.
Bauknight, Ralph M.
Belfrage, Cedric
Belgrave, Gordon
Bennett, Herbert S.
Bentley, Elizabeth
Berger, Sigmond
Berinsky, Stanley
Berke, Sylvia
Bernstein, Barry S.
Berstein, Samuel
Bert, Joseph
Blattenberger, Raymond
Bogolepov, Igor
Bookbinder, Benjamin
Bortz, Louis
Bottisti, Albert J.
Boye, Gunnar
Boyer, Richard O.
Bolys, Witoutos S.
Brand, Millen
Brashear, Dewey Franklin
Bremmer, Sol
Brody, Edward
Brooks, Deton J., Jr.
Brooks, John Starling
Brothman, Abraham
Brown, Donald R.
Bruzzese, Larry
Bryan, Julien
Bryant, James M.
Budenz, Louis Francis
Burgum, Edwin B.
Burkes, Carter Lemuel
Burkhard, Henry F.
Burrows, Albert
Butensky, Seymour
Buttrey, Capt. Linton J.
Carlisle, John W.
Cavanna, Paul
Cernrey, Frank
Chasanow, Abraham
Chase, Allan
Chiaro, Teresa Mary
Coe, V. Frank
Cole, Eugene H.
Cole, Phillip L.
Coleman, Aaron H.
Compton, Wilson R.
Connors, W. Bradley
Cooke, Marvel
Cookson, Thomas K.
Copland, Aaron
Corwin, Jerome
Coyle, David Cushman
Cragg, Earl
Crenshaw, Craig
Crevisky, Joseph K.
Crouch, Paul
Daniels, Dr. Fred B.
Daniels, Cpl. Willie L.
Davies, Bennett
Delaney, Walter S.
Delcamp, Raymond
DeLuca, John Anthony
Donohue, Harry
Donovan, John L.
Drake, Emma Elizabeth
DuBois, Rachel Davis
Ducore, Harold
Duggan, James E.
Duke, Russell W.
d'Usseau, Arnaud
Ehrendfeld, Alice
Elitcher, Max
Elliott, Maxwell
Englander, Florence
Epstein, Markus
Evans, Gertrude
Everhardt, Roscoe Conkling
Evers, James
Falk, Harry
Fary, Leo
Fast, Howard
Feldman, Albert E.
Fenn, Gen. C.C.
Ferebee, Dorothy
Ferguson, Esther Leemov
Fernandez, Emanuel
Finkelstein, Saul
Finlayson, Donald R.
Fisher, Phillip
Fischler, Albert
Fister, Edward J.
Fleming, Alfred
Forsyth, Rear Admiral Edward Culligan
Francis, Joseph E.
Francisco, Abden
Freedman, David M.
Freeman, Joseph
Frese, Walter F.
Fried, Dorothy
Freidlander, Sidney
Friedman, Lawrence
Frolow, Jack
Fulling, Virgil H.
Furry, Wendell
Gaboriault, Norman
Galex, Irving Israel
Gallagher, Maj. James J.
Gebhardt, Joseph Arthur
Gebo, Lawrence Leo
Gelfan, Harriett Moore
George, Arthur
Gerber, Stanley
Gerhard, Karl
Giardina, Ignatius
Gift, Charles
Gisser, Samuel Paul
Glassman, Sidney
Goldberg, William P.
Goldfrank, Helen
Goodkind, Louis W.
Goodwin, Robert
Grottfried, Linda
Greenberg, Solomon
Greenblum, Carl
Greenman, Samuel I.
Gregory, Alexander
Grogan, Mrs. William
Gross, Alan Sterling
Grundfest, Harry
Guess, Cleta
Hacko, Paul F.
Hall, Alvin W.
Hammett, Dashiell
Hanley, Col. James M.
Hansen, Kenneth R.
Harris, Reed
Hawkins, Herbert S.
Hecker, Herbert F.
Henderson, Donald
Hermida, Higeno
Herrick, George Q.
Hewitt, Downs E.
Heyman, Ezekiel
Hindin, Alexander
Hipsley, S. Preston
Hiskey, Clarence F.
Holtzman, David
Homes, George
Huberman, Leo
Hughes, Henry Daniel
Hughes, Langston
Hunt, Mansfield
Hutner, Eleanor Glassman
Hutner, Eugene E.
Hyman, Harry
Iannarone, Ralph
Inslerman, Hans
Jacobs, Norman Stanley
Janowsky, Seymour
Jasik, Henry
Jassik, Charles
Jegabbi, Anna
Johnson, Wendell G.
Jones, Richard, Jr.
Jones, William Johnstone
Kaghan, Theodore
Kaplan, Jacob
Kaplan, Louis
Kaplan, Louis Leo
Katchen, Ira J.
Katz, Max
Kaufman, Mary M.
Keiser, Morris
Kelleher, Maj. James
Kent, Rockwell
Kerr, Mavlina M.
Kitty, Fred Joseph
Klein, Alex Henry
Kohler, E.L.
Kolowich, George J.
Komar, Joseph Paul
Kornfield, Isadore
Koss, Howard
Kostora, Lt. Col. Lee H.
Kotch, Donald Joseph
Krau, Maj. Harold N.
Kreider, Cpl. Lloyd D.
Kretzmann, Edwin
Krummel, Lillian
Lamont, Corliss
Lautner, John
Lawton, Maj. Gen. Kirke B.
Layne, Joseph Linton
Lee, Bernard
Leeds, Paul M.
Leeds, Sherwood
Lenkeith, Nancy
LePage, Wilbur
Lepato, Abraham
Levine, Martin
Levine, Ruth
Levine, Samuel
Levitsky, Joseph
Levitties, Harry William
Lewis, Bernard
Lewis, Helen B.
Lewis, Napthtali
Lichter, David
Lindsay, Col Wallace W.
Linfield, David
Lipel, Bernard
Lipson, Harry
Lofek, Vachlav
Lonnie, William Patrick
Lowrey, Vernon Booth
Lundmark, Carl J.
Lyons, Edward J.
Lyons, Florence Fowler
Lynch, Michael J.
Mabbskka, Karl T.
Makarounis, Capt. Alexander G.
Mandel, William Marx
Mangione, Jerre G.
Markward, Mary S.
Martin, Bernard
Martin, Pfc. John E.
Matles, James J.
Mastrianni, William J.
Mathews, Troup
Martinez-Locayo, Juan Jose
Matousek, Helen
Matson, John E.
Matta, Sgt. George J.
McJennett, John Francis, Jr.
McKee, Samuel
McKesson, Lewis J.
McNichols, 1st Lt. Henry J., Jr.
Mellor, Ernest C.
Merold, Harold
Miller, Leo M.
Miller, Murray
Miller, Robert C.
Mills, Col. John V.
Mills, Nathaniel
Mins, Leonard E.
Moon, Susan
Moran, James M.
Morgan, Edward P.
Morrill, Donald Herbert
Morris, Melvin M.
Morris, Sam
Morton, Thruston B.
Mullins, Sgt. Orville R.
Murphy, Curtis Quinten
Murray, H. Donald
Nachmais, Harry M.
Naimon, Alexander
Narell, Murray
Nelson, Elba Chase
Northrup, Robert Pierson
O'Connor, Harvey
Okun, Jack
Oliveri, Joseph John
Omanson, Sarah
Owens, Arthur Lee
Page, Paul D., Jr.
Palmiero, Francesco
Palmiero, Mary Columbo
Pappas, Theodore
Partridge, Gen. Richard C.
Pastorinsky, Harry
Pataki, Emery
Pataki, Ernest
Pataki, Vivian Glassman
Peacock, Francis F.
Percoff, Joseph H.
Pernice, John
Petrov, Vladimir
Phillips, James B.
Piekarski, Witulad
Pomerentz, Samuel
Pope, Lafayette
Powell, Doris Walters
Puhan, Alfred
Rabinowitz, Seymour
Rabinowitz, Victor
Ranney, Russell Gaylord
Reiss, Julius
Rhoden, Sgt. Barry F.
Rich, Stanley R.
Riehs, Rudolph C.
Rissland, Rudolph
Robeson, Eslanda Goode
Rogers, Lt. Col. James T.
Rollins, Harold S.
Rosenbaum, Terry
Rosenheim, Irving
Rosmovsky, Peter
Rothschild, Edward M.
Rothschild, Esther B.
Rothstein, Jerome
Ryan, Robert J.
Sachs, Harvey
Sack, Samuel
Saltzman, William
Sardella, John
Saunders, John D.
Savitt, Morris
Schickler, John
Schnee, Leon
Schutz, Ralph
Schmidt, Martin
Scott, James P.
Seaver, Edwin
Seay, Perry
Segner, Samuel Martin
Seifert, Doris
Seldes, George
Service, John Stewart
Shadowitz, Albert
Shapiro, Philip Joseph
Shapiro, Shirley
Sharps, Sgt. Robert L.
Sheehan, Capt. Benjamin
Shoiket, Henry
Sidorovich, Ann
Sidorovich, Michael
Siegel, Paul
Sillers, Frederick
Silverberg, Muriel
Simkovich, John R.
Singer, Bertha
Smith, Newbern
Snyder, Samuel
Socol, Albert
Solomon, Isadore
Spence, Adolphus Nichols
Spiro, Norman
Stokes, Irving
Stolberg, Sidney
Stoner, Frank E.
Studenberg, Irving
Sussman, Nathan
Swing, Raymond Gram
Tate, Jack B.
Taylor, William H.
Thomas, Charles S.
Thompson, James F.
Thompson, Robert L.
Toumanoff, Vladimir
Treffery, Sgt. Wendell
Ullmann, Marcel
Ullman, William Ludwig
Unger, Abraham
Urey, Harold C.
Van Kleeck, Mary
Varley, Dimitri
Vedeler, Harold C.
Volp, Louis
Walker, Alfred C.
Walsh, James John
Watters, Sgt. John L., Jr.
Way, Kenneth John
Webster, Margaret
Wechsler, James A.
Weinel, Sgt. Carey H.
Weinstein, James
Wells, O.V.
Wells, Roy Hudson, Jr.
Weyl, Nathaniel
Whitehorne, Lt. Col. J.W. III
Wilder, William Richmond
Wilkerson, Doxey
Willi, George
Wolman, Benjamin
Wolman, Diana
Yamins, Haym G.
Young, Philip
Zucker, Jack
Zuckerman, Benjamin
PUBLIC HEARINGS OF SENATE PERMANENT SUBCOM-
MITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS, PUBLISHED IN 1953
Eligibility Audits--Federal Security Agency, February 3
State Department--File Survey, Part 1, February 4, 5, 6
State Department--File Survey, Part 2, February 16, 20
State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 1,
February 16, 17
State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 2,
February 18, 19
State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 3,
February 20, 28
State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 4,
March 2
State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 5,
March 3
State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 6,
March 4
State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 7,
March 5, 6
State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 8,
March 12
State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part 9,
March 13, 16, 19
State Department Information Program--Voice of America, Part
10, April 1, Composite Index
Stockpiling--Palm Oil, February 25
State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part
1, March 24, 25, 26
State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part
2, March 27, April 1, 2
State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part
3, April 29, May 5
State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part
4, April 24
State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part
5, May 5
State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part
6, May 6, 14
State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part
7, July 1, 2, 7
State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part
8, July 14
State Department Information Program--Information Centers, Part
9, August 5, Composite Index
Control of Trade with the Soviet Bloc, Part 1, March 30
Control of Trade with the Soviet Bloc, Part 2, May 4, 20
Austrian Incident, May 29, June 5, 8
State Department--Student-Teacher Exchange program, June 10, 19
Communist Party Activities, Western Pennsylvania, June 18
U.S. v. Fallbrook Public Utility District, et al., July 2
Security--Government Printing Office, Part 1, August 17, 18
Security--Government Printing Office, Part 2, August 19, 20,
22, 29
Communist Infiltration Among Army Civilian Workers, September
8, 11
Security--United Nations, Part 1, September 17, 18
Security--United Nations, Part 2, September 15
Communist Infiltration in the Army, Part 1, September 28
Commuist Infiltration in the Army, Part 2, September 21
Transfer of Occupation Currency Plates--Espionage Phase,
October 20, 21
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 1, October
22, November 24, 15, December 8
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 2, December 9
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 3, December
10, 11
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 4, December
14
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 5, December
15
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 6, December
16
Army Signal Corps--Subversion and Espionage, Part 7, December
17
Korean War Atrocities, Part 1, December 2
Korean War Atrocities, Part 2, December 3
Korean War Atrocities, Part 3, December 4
WITNESSES WHO TESTIFIED IN PUBLIC SESSION, 1953
Abbott, Lt. Col. Robert
Ackerman, Lester
Adlerman, Jerome S.
Allen, Maj. Gen. Frank A., Jr.
Allen, James S.
Aptheker, Herbert
Archdeacon, Henry Canning
Aronson, James
Auberjonois, Fernand
Ayers, Stuart
Baarslag, Karl
Balog, Helen B.
Barmine, Alexander
Bauer, Robert
Beardwood, Jack
Belfrage, Cedric H.
Bell, Daniel W.
Bentley, Elizabeth
Berke, Sylvia
Bernstein, Barry S.
Blattenberger, Raymond C.
Bogolepov, Igor
Booth, William N.
Bortz, Louis
Boyer, Richard O.
Boykin, Samuel D.
Bracken, Thomas E.
Brand, Millen
Browder, Earl
Budenz, Louis F.
Burgum, Edward B.
Buttrey, Capt. Linton J.
Caldwell, John C.
Carrigan, Charles B.
Cocutz, John
Coe, V. Frank
Cole, Philip L.
Coleman, Aaron Hyman
Compton, Wilson R.
Cooke, Marvel J.
Conners, W. Bradley
Creed, Donald R.
Crouch, Paul
Cupps, Halbert
Daniels, Cpl. Willie L.
DeLuca, John Anthony
Dooher, Gerald F.P.
Duggan, James E.
d'Usseau, Arnaud
Epstein, Julius
Evans, Gertrude
Fast, Howard
Finn, Maj. Frank M.
Foner, Philip
Forbes, Russell
Ford, John W.
Francis, Robert J.
Freedman, David M.
Freeman, Frederick
Fulling, Virgil H.
Gelfan, Harriet Moore
Ghosh, Stanley S.
Gift, Charles
Gillett, Glenn D.
Glasser, Harold
Glassman, Sidney
Glazer, Sidney
Goldfrank, Helen
Goldman, Robert B.
Gorn, Lt. Col. John W.
Gropper, William
Grundfest, Harry
Hammett, Dashiell
Halaby, N.E.
Hall, Alvin W.
Hanley, Col. James M.
Hansen, Kenneth R.
Harris, Reed
Henderson, Donald
Herrimann, Frederick
Heyman, Ezekiel
Hipsley, S. Preston
Hlavaty, Julius H.
Hoey, Jane M.
Horneffer, Michael D.
Huberman, Leo
Hughes, Langston
Hunter, Eleanor Glassman
Hyman, Harry
Jaramillo, Arturo J.
Johnstone, William C., Jr.
Kaghan, Theodore
Kaplan, Louis
Kennedy, Robert F.
Kent, Rockwell
Kereles, Gabriel
Kimball, Arthur A.
Kinard, Charles Edward
King, Clyde Nelson
Kitty, Fred Joseph
Kreider, Cpl. Lloyd D.
Kretzmann, Edwin M.J.
Lamont, Corliss
Lautner, John
Leddy, John M.
Lenkeith, Nancy
Levine, Ruth
Levitsky, Joseph
Lewis, Helen
Lewis, Naphtali
Linfield, David
Locke, Maj. William D.
Lotz, Walter Edward, Jr.
Lumpkin, Grace
Lundmark, Carl J.
Lyons, Roger
McKee, Samuel
McKesson, Lewis J.
McNichols, Lt. Henry J., Jr.
Maier, Howard
Makarounis, Capt. Alexander G.
Mandel, William Marx
Manring, Roy Paul, Jr.
Markward, Mary S.
Martin, Pfc. John E.
Mason, Arthur S.
Matson, John E.
Matta, Sgt. George
Matusow, Harvey
Mazzei, Joseph D.
Meade, Everard K., Jr.
Mellor, Ernest C.
Merold, Harry D.
Milano, William L.
Mins, Leonard E.
Moran, James B.
Morris, Sam
Mullins, Sgt. Orville R.
Nash, Frank C.
O'Connor, Harvey
Pataki, Ernest
Patridge, Gen. Richard C.
Percoff, Joseph H.
Petrov, Vladimir
Phillips, James B.
Piekarski, Witulad
Pratt, Haraden
Puhan, Alfred
Reber, Maj. Gen. Miles
Reid, Andrew J.
Reiss, Julius
Rhoden, Sgt. Barry F.
Richmond, Alfred C.
Ridgeway, Gen. Matthew B.
Robeson, Eslanda Goode
Rogers, Lt. Col. James T.
Rogge, O. John
Rosinger, Lawrence K.
Ross, Julius
Rothschild, Edward M.
Rothschild, Esther B.
Rushmore, Howard
Sachs, Howard R.
Salisbury, Joseph E.
Sarant, Louise
Saunders, John
Savitt, Morris
Schappes, Morris U.
Seaver, Edwin
Shadowitz, Albert
Sharpe, Sgt. Charles Robert
Shephard, Patricia
Shoiket, Henry N.
Shulz, Edward K.
Sillers, Frederick
Silvermaster, Nathan Gregory
Sims, Albert G.
Smith, Lt. James
Smith, Newbern
Synder, Samuel Joseph
Socol, Albert
Spence, Adolophus Nichols
Spence, Clifford H.
Stassen, Harold E.
Stern, Dr. Bernhard J.
Stolberg, Sidney
Strong, Allen
Sussman, Nathan
Syran, Arthur G.
Taylor, Donald K.
Taylor, William C.
Teto, William H.
Thompson, James F.
Tippett, Frank D.
Todd, Lt. Col. Jack R.
Toumanoff, Vladimir I.
Treffery, Sgt. Wendell
Ullmann, Marcel
Ullman, William Ludwig
Unger, Abraham
Utley, Freda
Veldus, A.C.
Vernier, Paul
Walsh, A.J.
Watters, Sgt. John L., Jr.
Wechsler, James A.
Weinel, Sgt. Carey H.
Wetfish, Gene
Wilkerson, Doxey A.
Wolfe, Col. Claudius O.
Wolman, Benjamin
Wolman, Diana Moldover
Wu, Kwant Tsing
Zucker, Jack
RUSSELL W. DUKE
[Editor's note.--The inquiry into the alleged influence-
peddling of Russell W. Duke (1907-1978) in U.S. tax cases and
his cooperation with Washington lawyer Edward P. Morgan (1913-
1986), was a continuation of similar investigations that the
subcommittee had conducted during the previous Congress, but
the subcommittee's new chairman, Senator McCarthy, had a
personal interest in both these men. Russell Duke, who lived in
Oregon, maintained close ties to Senator Wayne Morse, one of
McCarthy's outspoken critics, while Edward Morgan had served as
counsel to the Foreign Relations Committee subcommittee,
chaired by Senator Millard Tydings, that examined McCarthy's
Wheeling, West Virginia, charges about Communists in the State
Department. The Tydings subcommittee rejected McCarthy's claims
as a ``fraud and a hoax.'' In 1952, Morgan had campaigned
against McCarthy's reelection.
The subcommittee seized all of Duke's records in a garage
in San Francisco, and subpoenaed all of Morgan's records
relating to Duke. At the same time, a subcommittee of the House
Judiciary Committee also investigated the case, and two members
of that committee audited the Senate subcommittee's executive
session.
Duke was served with a subpoena on January 11, 1953. After
testifying in executive session, he was informed that he would
need to reappear to testify in public on February 2. But the
public hearing was postponed ``until some other date to be
designated.'' Duke was later instructed to appear on April 13,
but had already gone to Canada. Informed that the subpoena was
``a continuing one,'' he was ordered to return. When he failed
to appear, the subcommittee unanimously voted him in contempt.
In November, Duke was arrested in Cleveland, Ohio, and brought
to Washington to stand trial. On January 26, 1954, Judge
Burnita S. Matthews of the U.S. District Court for the District
of Columbia found him not guilty of contempt for failing to
honor a subpoena in April that had originally been issued for
January 15. Senator McCarthy vowed to issue another subpoena.
``If Duke refuses to obey this one, we'll have him cited
again,'' he told reporters, ``and this time I hope his case is
heard by a judge who knows the law.'' However, the subcommittee
did not pursue the matter any further.
Russell W. Duke did not testify in public session.]
----------
THURSDAY, JANUARY 15, 1953
U.S. Senate,
Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations
of the Committee on Government Operations,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to Senate Resolution 251,
agreed to January 24, 1952, in room 357 of the Senate Office
Building, Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, chairman, presiding.
Present: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, Republican, Wisconsin;
Senator Karl E. Mundt, Republican, South Dakota; Senator
Charles E. Potter, Republican, Michigan; Senator John L.
McClellan, Democrat, Arkansas; Senator Henry M. Jackson,
Democrat, Washington; Senator Stuart Symington, Democrat,
Missouri.
Present also: Representative Kenneth A. Keating,
Republican, New York; Representative Patrick J. Hillings,
Republican, California.
Present also: Francis D. Flanagan, general counsel; Robert
Collier, chief counsel, House Subcommittee to Investigate the
Department of Justice, Committee on the Judiciary; William A.
Leece, assistant counsel; Robert F. Kennedy, assistant counsel;
Ruth Young Watt, chief clerk.
The Chairman. We will have the record show that present are
Senator Potter, Senator McClellan, Senator Jackson, Senator
Symington, and Senator McCarthy, and Congressman Keating of the
House Judiciary Subcommittee, and Congressman Patrick Hillings.
Senator McClellan. Mr. Chairman, I should report to you
that pursuant to the resolution or motion adopted at the
meeting of the full committee on yesterday, I have appointed as
members of the minority of this subcommittee the following
Senator Symington, Senator Jackson, and myself.
The Chairman. Let the record show that yesterday in the
full committee meeting with a quorum present, the motion was
made, seconded and passed that the four Republican members,
Senator Potter, Senator McCarthy, Senator Dirksen, and Senator
Mundt, were confirmed as members of the subcommittee, and also
confirmed were the members to be subsequently nominated or
appointed by Senator McClellan, which has now been done.
Mr. Duke, in this matter before the subcommittee, do you
solemnly swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing
but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Duke. I do.
The Chairman. Mr. Duke, before we start, I would like to
make a suggestion, due to the fact that you are here without
counsel. Time after time, witnesses have come and they have not
been guilty of any criminal activity of any kind until they
testify, and they make the mistake of thinking they can
outsmart the committee and make the mistake of lying, in other
words, committing perjury. So I would like to suggest to you
for your own protection that you do one of two things: that you
either tell the truth, or that you refuse to answer. You have a
right to refuse to answer any question the answer to which you
think might incriminate you. So I would suggest to you that for
your own protection you either tell us the truth and nothing
but the truth, or else avail yourself of the privilege of
refusal to answer.
TESTIMONY OF RUSSELL W. DUKE
Mr. Flanagan. What is your full name and your permanent
address?
Mr. Duke. Russell W. Duke. Unfortunately, I don't have any
permanent address.
Mr. Flanagan. Is Russell W. Duke your legal name now?
Mr. Duke. It has been for years, yes, it is my legal name.
Mr. Flanagan. Did you previously have another name?
Mr. Duke. Yes.
Mr. Flanagan. What was that?
Mr. Duke. D-u-t-k-o.
Mr. Flanagan. Where were you born?
Mr. Duke. St. Clair, Pennsylvania.
Mr. Flanagan. What was your birth date?
Mr. Duke. February 11, 1907.
Mr. Flanagan. When did you first begin to engage in the
public relations business?
Mr. Duke. I have--about 1934 or 1935.
Mr. Flanagan. You have been engaged in that business
continuously?
Mr. Duke. Not continuously, no.
Mr. Flanagan. When did you engage in any other business
since 1934 or 1935, other than public relations?
Mr. Duke. I have continuously been engaged in various
businesses. I have been in the manufacturing business, in the
sales business, the procurement business, the real estate
business.
Mr. Flanagan. When did you first begin to act as public
relations counsel or representative in cases involving the
federal government, such as tax cases, claims, and the like?
Mr. Duke. In about 1946, '47, '48.
Mr. Flanagan. Can you recite the number of cases, that is,
federal tax cases, in which you were employed as a public
relations counsel?
Mr. Duke. Not until I look in my books to be able to tell
you that.
Mr. Flanagan. But you were employed in a number of federal
tax cases as public relations counsel?
Mr. Duke. I was.
Mr. Flanagan. What were your duties and responsibilities,
as you saw them, as a public relations counsel in a tax case?
Mr. Duke. Well, I learned that in a lot of cases, upon
investigating the case after the Internal Revenue Department
got through with it, there were a lot of errors created by the
agent that put a burden upon the taxpayer, over-assessed him
various and sundry amounts that should not have been assessed,
and I would engage certified public accountants to recheck the
books, definitely determine if these over-assessments were
justified or not, and then either call it to the attention of
the Internal Revenue Department, the various heads of the
Internal Revenue Department, and if they did not do anything
about it, then advise the client to secure competent tax
counsel.
Mr. Flanagan. Are you an accountant?
Mr. Duke. No, but I can do book work.
Mr. Flanagan. Have you ever had any accounting training of
any kind?
Mr. Duke. Practical, yes. I was with Sears, Roebuck Company
for seven-and-a-half years.
Mr. Flanagan. As an accountant?
Mr. Duke. No, in their legal department.
Mr. Flanagan. What did you do in the legal department?
Mr. Duke. I was assigned to various stores, and I had
forty-six stores in eight states, and my position was to go to
the various stores and go over their accounts and check them to
see if there was any discrepancy in them, and find out if all
of the accounts are live.
Mr. Flanagan. You were an auditor, in other words?
Mr. Duke. Not as an auditor; more of an investigator.
Mr. Flanagan. Are you a lawyer?
Mr. Duke. No.
Mr. Flanagan. Can you tell us the names of the various
counsel that you recommended in some of these tax cases that
you were public relations counsel for?
Mr. Duke. Oh, yes. I recommended probably in the past,
prior to 1946 or 1947----
Mr. Flanagan. I am not talking about prior; I am talking of
since then.
Mr. Duke. Bob Murphy from Keenan & Murphy; Morgan, of
Welch, Mott & Morgan--again, I would have to look at my files
to refresh my memory, because I have recommended various legal
firms.
Mr. Flanagan. Did you ever recommend Conrad Hubner, of San
Francisco?
Mr. Duke. On the coast I have, yes.
Mr. Flanagan. Who else on the coast have you recommended as
an attorney?
Mr. Duke. Stephen Chadwick, quite a prominent attorney in
Seattle, and I don't recall. Again, I would have to go into my
files to check.
Mr. Flanagan. Do you recall the specific cases in which you
had an interest and in which Edward P. Morgan also had an
interest as a lawyer?
Mr. Duke. Some of them I can recall, but not all of them.
Mr. Flanagan. Can you recite those that you can recall?
Mr. Duke. There was Dr. Ting Lee, Wilcox----
Mr. Flanagan. Where was Ting Lee?
Mr. Duke. Portland, Oregon.
Mr. Flanagan. And the next case?
Mr. Duke. And the Noble Wilcoxon case in Sacramento.
Mr. Flanagan. Any others?
Mr. Duke. Again, I would have to check the file.
Mr. Flanagan. How about the Jack Glass case?
Mr. Duke. I referred that to Morgan.
Mr. Flanagan. How about the Guy Schafer case in Oakland?
Mr. Duke. I referred that to Morgan.
Mr. Flanagan. How about the Harry Blumenthal case in San
Francisco?
Mr. Duke. Well, that was a case wherein Hubner wanted me to
get him counsel in Washington, and through me he associated
with Morgan on that case.
Mr. Flanagan. Did you ever attempt to get Morgan in as an
attorney in the Inez Burns case in San Francisco?
Mr, Duke. No. I was requested in San Francisco some time 
