Military


1914-1918 - Poland in the Great War

The first general European conflict since the Napoleonic Wars exerted a huge impact on the Poles, although their position in Europe was not an issue among the combatants. Again, however, Poland's geographical position between Germany and Russia meant much fighting and terrific human and material losses for the Poles between 1914 and 1918.

The war split the ranks of the three partitioning empires, pitting Russia as defender of Serbia and ally of Britain and France against the leading members of the Central Powers, Germany and Austria-Hungary. This circumstance afforded the Poles political leverage as both sides offered pledges of concessions and future autonomy in exchange for Polish loyalty and recruits. The Austrians wanted to incorporate Congress Poland into their territory of Galicia, so they allowed nationalist organizations to form there. The Russians recognized the Polish right to autonomy and allowed formation of the Polish National Committee, which supported the Russian side.

In 1916, attempting to increase Polish support for the Central Powers, the German and Austrian emperors declared a new kingdom of Poland. The new kingdom included only a small part of the old commonwealth, however.

As the war settled into a long stalemate, the issue of Polish self-rule gained greater urgency. Roman Dmowski spent the war years in Western Europe, hoping to persuade the Allies to unify the Polish lands under Russian rule as an initial step toward liberation. In the meantime,

Pilsudski formed Polish legions to assist the Central Powers in defeating Russia as the first step toward full independence for Poland. Pilsudski had correctly predicted that the war would ruin all three of the partitioners, a conclusion most people thought highly unlikely before 1918.

In 1917 two separate events decisively changed the character of the war and set it on a course toward the rebirth of Poland. The United States entered the conflict on the Allied side, while a process of revolutionary upheaval in Russia weakened and then removed the Russians from the Eastern Front, finally bringing the Bolsheviks (see Glossary) to power in that country. After the last Russian advance into Galicia failed in mid-1917, the Germans went on the offensive again, the army of revolutionary Russia ceased to be a factor, and the Russian presence in Polish territory ended for the next twenty-seven years.

The defection of Russia from the Allied coalition gave free rein to the calls of Woodrow Wilson, the American president, to transform the war into a crusade to spread democracy and liberate the Poles and other peoples from the suzerainty of the Central Powers. Polish opinion crystallized in support of the Allied cause.

Pilsudski became a popular hero when Berlin jailed him for insubordination. The Allies broke the resistance of the Central Powers by autumn 1918, as the Habsburg monarchy disintegrated and the German imperial government collapsed. In November 1918, Pilsudski was released from internment in Germany, returned to Warsaw, and took control as provisional president of an independent Poland that had been absent from the map of Europe for 123 years.

Much of the heavy fighting on the war's Eastern Front took place on the territory of the former Polish state. In 1914 Russian forces advanced very close to Kraków before being beaten back. The next spring, heavy fighting occurred around Gorlice and Przemysl, to the east of Kraków in Galicia. By the end of 1915, the Germans had occupied the entire Russian sector, including Warsaw. In 1916 another Russian offensive in Galicia exacerbated the already desperate situation of civilians in the war zone; about 1 million Polish refugees fled eastward behind Russian lines during the war. Although the Russian offensive of 1916 caught the Germans and Austrians by surprise, poor communications and logistics prevented the Russians from taking full advantage of their situation.

A total of 2 million Polish troops fought with the armies of the three occupying powers, and 450,000 died. Several hundred thousand Polish civilians were moved to labor camps in Germany. The scorched-earth retreat strategies of both sides left much of the war zone uninhabitable.

At the time of the Great War Poland within her actual ethnographical boundaries numbered 20,000,000 million inhabitants, of which 15,000,000 were Poles. To gratify their greed for pleasure, the Polish aristocrats were therefore obliged to conquer adjacent countries and to subjugate their inhabitants. To assimilate these inhabitants and neutralize centrifugal forces they created a complete system of Polonization. Hostile to democratic principles, they established a system of the most severe servitude for the national minorities. Thus there was developed in Poland an exaggerated imperialism having for its ideal a greater Poland stretching from the Baltic to the Black Sea, and in which all the inhabitants would belong to the same nationality while embracing, all of them, one religion only, Catholicism. The Poles displayed the greatest energy in subjecting the Ukrainian people. Pacific by nature, they have been obliged to sustain continual struggles with Poland for the defense of their independence, and Poland, enfeebled, when attacked by her neighbors, saw herself delivered over to "partitions." Despite her misfortune, Poland bequeathed to her descendants the old ideals of conquest.

By early 1919 the imperialistic aspirations of some Polish diplomatists would have created a Poland great in size and population, but resting on the "shifting sands of social inequality and national injustice". Others said that Poland can be strong only if confined to her ethnographic boundaries, which would include the Polish parts of Germany that in latter years have been Germanized. By trying to incorporate territories which never were and never will be Polish, she would simply provoke constant conflict with her neighbors, particularly Russia; and, what is more, she would excite grave internal contention. It was difficult to place much confidence in the wisdom of the "all-Polish" policy encouraged by some Allied diplomatists, especially the French, who will go to any lengths to secure the creation of a Greater Poland, such as would include not only Polish, but also Russian and Lithuanian territory, as well as part of Austrian Silesia, which always belonged to the Czechs, and the whole of Austrian Galicia, of which at least half is Ukrainian. The new Poland would thus count some fifty million inhabitants, and would, it was hoped, help to counterbalance Germany, and at the same time form a strong barrier against Russian Bolshevism. The world seemed to have forgotten, however, that the best Polish statisticians placed the number of Poles-including the immigrants in America at twenty-four millions; and that the new Poland would, consequently, be a state with a Polish minority, and with a majority irreconcilably opposed to Polish rule.



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